Elder statesman, Chief Ayo Adebanjo, tells TOBI AWORINDE that President Muhammadu Buhari has lost his integrity and that Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo should step down in solidarity with Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s struggle for true federalism

You have been vocal about the need for restructuring, even warning that the Yoruba could break away….

All I am saying is anybody opposing restructuring is an enemy of Nigerian unity and it is only those of us who are clamouring for restructuring that love the unity of this country. But if (President Muhammadu) Buhari thinks he can force unity on this country (as it is currently structured), that is the end of Nigeria. That’s what I said. Opposing restructuring is opposing the unity of Nigeria and our own contention is that we had been united under an agreement made in 1954 before independence. The founding fathers were invited to London by the Colonial Office and decided on the constitution under which they were going to live together. That was the result of the Federal Constitution of 1954, when premiership was created in all the regions. That was what carried us until 1960. It was under that system that the Colonial Office said any region that wanted self-government could have it. So, the East and the West opted for self-government in 1956/57, but the North said it was not ready until 1959. That was what delayed our independence till 1960. When all of us got self-government, (we agreed) we could then get independence. And that was the constitution we held on to even after being made a republic. But the coup came in 1966, and it was the military coup dominated by the northern Muslims that created the constitution we have now. That is the bottom line of the problem. They then reverted to the unitary form of government. All the things we had agreed upon to make us live together in peace were jettisoned and they deliberately created it to further the cause of the Northern Region.

It’s mostly from the northern leaders because they were the ones whose people loaded the constitution against the South. For instance, every army general (under military rule) wanted a local government. Go and find out, on what basis were the local governments under this constitution created? What were the yardsticks? They created more states in the North than the South, just by the rule of the thumb. And by creating more local governments there, revenue, which should have been distributed on the basis of derivation — what you call resource control now was derivation then, which was fought for in 1954 and granted — they then cancelled it and said they would give 13 per cent to oil-producing areas and the money is divided according to local governments. You see the fraud from the beginning? They created more local governments there (North), then they said they were going to divide (the money) on the basis of local governments. Once they have more local governments, they have more money. And they contribute next to nothing. That is what gave rise to Niger Delta Avengers. That is what is causing marginalisation — Biafra. Even the corruption they are talking about is because of the constitution.

Do you think there is any political will on the part of President Buhari to ensure restructuring?

For instance, talk of the Fulani herdsmen; he aids and abets it. I don’t hide my feelings about it. I’m not deceived by all these cosmetic arrangements that ‘the policeman (Inspector-General of Police) should stay there and arrest them’. Sometimes, I feel really insulted by the way Buhari, the police and the Federal Government are playing on the intelligence of the Nigerian people. He said, ‘I’ve now instructed the IG to go after them’. After who? In December 2016, 800 Christians (were attacked) in Southern Kaduna. The Vice-President (Yemi Osinbajo), who was acting (President) then, told the heads of the police and the army to relocate there. The second day, they were out again. Did he (Osinbajo) utter a word? Before that, (Chief Olu) Falae was kidnapped. His farm was burnt almost thrice. One of the watchmen was killed; not a word from Buhari. Then the killings spread to Agatu (Benue State), Enugu State and all over the country climaxing with the New Year’s Day killing in Benue State. It was when the whole world was condemning it, that he (Buhari) decided it was time for him to talk. And what was the reaction of the Chief Security Officer, the police (IG)? He said, ‘Well, it is the people who blocked their (herdsmen) grazing routes that caused it’. That is the language of the nation’s chief security officer, who is supposed to prevent and punish crime. Then the Minister of Defence said, ‘After all, they are your neighbours’. It is because under the constitution, the state governments are showpieces; they haven’t got anything. They have power without authority. They can have power to pass laws; the instrument of implementing or executing the laws is not in their hands. No commissioner of police obeys the governor; they take their orders from the IGP. This is the position of the constitution and that is what they want to continue.

The debate over state police has been going on for some time….

Let me take this opportunity to tell those people who are talking nonsense about ‘if they give state police, then everybody will use it against their opponents’. Is the Federal Government not using the police against the states that don’t support it? Or does it think we are blind? And anything that is not in the favour of the North, they close their eyes. All these years — let us say before he (Buhari) came into office, for the past three years — there is no part of the country that Fulani herdsmen have not ravaged. There have been kidnappings, rape, etc. This is why I believe Buhari is aiding and abetting the crimes. They have the power. This is my case: if they had arrested or punished people after the Christmas slaughter in Southern Kaduna in December 2016, you think the herdsmen would have the courage to do anything? They are rearing their cattle with AK-47 because they know they have the backing of the authority. Who gave them permission? Are cattle rearers permitted to carry arms? Does the IGP not know that it is unlawful? If it is unlawful, have you arrested anybody? Have you seen the videos? Some of the videos, I can’t watch through. They (herdsmen) kill them (farmers) and then slaughter them like rams. Sometimes, they open the bowels of (pregnant) women and take out their children. For some men and women, they remove their privates, slaughtering them like animals. Is that (cattle) rearing? And all these (atrocities) have been going on for upward of two years under your (Buhari) regime? And what you are now saying is, ‘I asked the IG to go after them’.

They shouldn’t deceive us. So, how many people does Buhari want to be killed before he takes action? Eight hundred here; about 200 in Agatu; some in Enugu, Ondo, Kwara, Yewa (Ogun State), all over the country, pretending nothing is happening. Even so, have you heard any word of sympathy from Buhari to the Benue people? We are not animals. He was elected to take care of us, and I say this: he was doing this deliberately with a plan. His strategy was to have all the security officers in the country loaded in favour of the North, mostly from Katsina. So, if you southerners want to resist, the security forces are in his hands — heads of the army, police, Department of State Services, everything. When he made those appointments then, to which we cried foul, his spokesman said, ‘He’s (Buhari) just starting’. I am only giving you all this background just to say I am not taken in by this cosmetic action. After 73 people have been buried, they say, ‘Well, it is because the people passed the grazing law.’ And the (Benue State) government told you the people who caused this are known. They gave you their names. The man (Governor Samuel Ortom) repeated it every time: ‘Those who come to bother my people here are known. I’ve submitted them to Buhari’. Nothing was done. On top of it all, he (Ortom) had to request to see Buhari. Now, he (Buhari) has gone to Nasarawa, Adamawa, and his own place (Daura, Katsina). He has not deemed it fit to go and sympathise with the people of Benue. That is the President of Nigeria. That is why I say he is just the ‘President of Katsina’. He should be reminded that he is not the President of Katsina; he is the President of Nigeria. What word has he uttered to the people of Benue? Not even to tell them, ‘This is a very serious thing. I’m sorry. It won’t happen again’. After all these years that people have been shouting, he has time to go to Adamawa and other places. It’s not his fault. Particularly for those of us in the West, it is (Asiwaju Bola) Tinubu that put us in this trouble and Tinubu has not learnt his lesson.

Do you think Tinubu may have found himself in a difficult position?

Is that fallout as a result of the centralisation of security?

It’s not fallout; that is one of the evils of the present system! Now, they are talking of state police and devolution of powers. All the things that are under restructuring, they are now admitting one by one.

Including the Vice-President?

Don’t mind that one. I have told him to remember the son of who he is. His father and I were the followers of (Chief Obafemi) Awolowo on federalism. He was born in federalism. And when he was the Attorney General in Lagos, he took Obasanjo to court over local government (allocation) that was depriving Lagos. He won the case up to the Supreme Court. Now, he is the Vice-President. It just reminds me of what (Reuben) Abati (wrote) that there is something wrong; the moment some people get to Aso Rock, there is a juju there that turns the good people among them into the worst devils.

Do you think that when Vice-President Osinbajo noticed that Buhari was not going to do anything about restructuring, he should have resigned?

He should have (resigned). I say that without any hesitation. The Vice-President — I know him from his youth — highly intelligent and highly qualified. A professor who is very sound. He has a job of his own. He is not jobless. Why shouldn’t he resign? He went there with the thought to serve, maybe thinking of the West that, if there are any excesses of the President, he would be able to check it. No! He was brought into wealth and he was silenced because of office. So, the Vice-President has no excuse. Tinubu has no excuse, particularly the Vice-President, who is a professional in his own right. He knows about all these ills. He has fought against them before. All these things are going on and you are seeing it?

Some would compare Buhari’s panel on restructuring to Jonathan’s 2014 National Conference, which was convened just before the 2015 election year.

My dear, that is an excuse. That is what you accused him of. If you now believe that it (implementing restructuring) is right, why don’t you now do it? It was because he (Jonathan) didn’t do the right thing, we voted him out. Why are you emphasising the man we voted out to justify your inaction? They have no clue. The APC (All Progressives Congress) has no clue. All their intention was ‘away with Jonathan’ and I warned those of them doing that. Now, Jonathan is gone o. Well, I’m sorry for people of your generation. People like me have very little to complain about. I can die any moment from now and my children will kill a cow. I am 90. What is the big deal in a 90-year-old man dying? But I’m shouting to the top because I want to go on record that you were warned and that is the fight that Chief Awolowo had been fighting before he left. I want to be satisfied that when I meet him, I can report to him that I didn’t yield an inch. That is why I’m talking. Am I going to become president? Do I want to be governor? Have I asked any one of them to give my children jobs? Have I asked for any subsidy from them? I have nothing to gain but for your generation and I have grandchildren.

The Buhari administration claims it is fighting corruption.

He should be ashamed talking about corruption war now. What he has done on corruption has not been holistic and he has turned a blind eye to those who run the government with him and are deep in corruption – from the  Secretary to the Government of the Federation to all the principal officers around him. Look at the (Abdulrasheed) Maina case. He (Buhari) has not given a reason. That is the man fighting corruption. This man (Maina) was suspended for corruption by the former president (Jonathan). He (Buhari) said, ‘Go back there’. And you’re fighting corruption?

What does this say about the reputation of integrity with which Buhari campaigned for president in 2015 and won?

His integrity is gone. He should know that, except those who are still ‘chopping’ (eating) under his government. All those who thought he had integrity have seen that none of it is there. When a man who has integrity authorises his AGF to go and meet a criminal in a strange land and then reinstates that criminal? It’s a pity!

How do you react to calls for Buhari’s re-election?

Those (calling for his re-election) are people who just want to play to the gallery.

Do you think anyone else can put up much of a fight against Buhari?

Why can’t they? Buhari can’t put himself there. It’s the people because he still believes he can buy salt and rice for you so that you will vote for him. But if you really feel the pinch of what is happening, he shall see. And that is why I say this constitution must be changed before the (2019) elections because all the possibility of rigging is within the electoral law.

I’ll give you an instance to show that Buhari is not serious about bribery and corruption. He cried out aloud before the (2015) elections that he had to borrow money to contest. What has he done about that? What law has he passed to say no political party primary should impose more than so-much on aspirants? Those are the things I am saying. To be a councillor anywhere in Nigeria, you must be a millionaire, first to contest your primary and then to contest the election. Not to mention being a governor or even a senator. Those are the things in this constitution we say must be jettisoned to create a level playing field.

Do you think there is enough integrity in the National Assembly to change that law?

If Buhari has the political will, and we all agree that this constitution is bad and I also answer the question. They say it is because the 2014 conference was not done by them. I say, ‘That is no problem. What are the things done there that you don’t agree with? Remove them. What are the things that you say must be there? Put it there and pass the law and send it to referendum’. They say referendum is not there. But man is not made for the law; the law is made for man. Use the doctrine (of necessity) that made Jonathan the acting President. It’s because there is no political will. But we didn’t make this constitution; why do you want the law we didn’t make to be binding on us. You know your constitution is a fraudulent document? It says, ‘We, the people of the Federal Republic’. Did you make it? Is your constitution federal?

How do you feel about the National Assembly’s attempt to change the timetable of the 2019 general elections so that the presidential election follows that of the National Assembly?

All that is a game within the party. I can’t see Buhari signing that document. They want the presidential election to come first so that it can have a bandwagon effect. Why should it matter which order it comes in?

What effect will Obasanjo’s Coalition for Nigeria Movement have on the elections, if at all?

I believe in the third force, not the CN, particularly (not) anything that Obasanjo has a hand in because Obasanjo is one of those who created this problem for us, although I agree with all he said about Buhari. So, you must distinguish what I’m talking about. I only add that there is nothing he has said that is right now, which I had not said before the (2015) elections. What I will only ask him (Obasanjo) to do now is apologise to Nigerians for misleading them; and those who contributed to the problem can’t be part of solving the problem.

Punch

The political feud between Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje of Kano state, and his predecessor, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, both of the ruling All Progressives Congress, (APC) is not about ending anytime soon. Ganduje in this interview in Abuja, admitted that though there is no permanent friend or foe in politics, he doubts if APC national leader Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who has been saddled with the responsibility of reconciling aggrieved party leaders by President Buhari, will be able reconcile him and Kwankwaso because, according to him, the former Kano governor has frustrated over 17 of similar attempts in the past.

Ganduje who served as Kwankwaso’s deputy for eight years said his former boss set up traps for him to fail including leaving behind a liability of over N300 billion, declaring free education at all levels and foreign scholarships for students that is today costing his government N4 billion, establishing Technical College of Education five days before handing over without  approval from the federal government, or the state House of Assembly, with no infrastructure, no plans for teachers, and equipment, among others. JULIANA TAIWO-OBALONYE reports the details.

You are one of the leaders who called for the removal of indigene issue in the constitution. Why do you think such move is necessary?

Well, in this country we are having a lot of problems; religious, tribal, herdsmen and farmers’ clash, etc. All these have to do with relationships and, of course, the current economic realities. But, the constitution we borrowed from the United States of America should be applied fully even though we are in a different zone and culture. In order to get very serious national integration, the parameters of national indigeneship should not be based on tribe, religion or place of birth, it should be based on where you are staying and what you do. Are you paying your taxes? Are you contributing to the overall development of where you are since you are benefiting from the services there? You are benefiting from the security that is being provided, are you contributing your own quota to the development of that environment? If you are already paying your taxes, I think you are already an indigene of that place, not just because you are the son of the soil, but because you are contributing to the economic development of the state, employing people and doing great and positive things.

In Kano, we are doing our part to ensure that that dichotomy is removed. Because in some states where we have some problems, it is basically because of this indigeneship issue. So, our belief is that to have national integration we should remove indigeneship issue. So, I think it is a constitutional issue, which the national and state assemblies should deal with.

In other words, you are saying that all the people in Kano state are indigenes?

Yes. In Kano, I tell all the ethnic groups that they are indigenes of Kano state only claiming to come from somewhere else.

The Vice President said in Kogi state recently that N1.9 trillion was given to states as support. How much did Kano get? How much did you spend on workers’ welfare?

Of course, we have benefited from all the bailouts from the federal government because the situation we found ourselves when the oil money dropped below $30 a barrel was such that many states couldn’t even pay salaries. We got the bailout and now we are paying salaries on time. We are not owing any salary arrears. The problem we were having initially was an internal one, which has been solved. Some people were being overpaid while others were underpaid maybe due to the fact that something went wrong in the system, but we have already put that in order.

The projects of the previous government you have completed and the ones you have initiated, where did the funds come from? Is it from your internally generated revenue?

When we came, we had to reform the old system. I had to request all the staff of the State Board of Internal Revenue to go back to the Office of the Head of Civil Service. We employed a consultant, advertised, and then we took the best brains, some of them not even from the state. When we took over, we were getting less than N1 billion a month, but because of our reforms and interventions, we now get over N4 billion every month. It is not up to what we are expecting because up till now those that are supposed to be paying tax are yet to be fully captured in our revenue net.

You know some people don’t want to pay tax, so we are deploying a lot of advocacy to capture them on our revenue net. The reason people don’t want to pay taxes is that they assume their money is being embezzled.

Yes, the increase in our IGR made it possible for us to embark on a lot of capital projects. We virtually use what we are getting from Abuja to pay salaries. So, all our capital projects in Kano state are being funded from the revenue generated from taxes and that is why we label each project thus: ‘This project is being funded with taxpayers money.’ This of course is encouraging people to pay taxes.

You said recently that the political history of Kwankwaso cannot be written without you being mentioned and yours too cannot be written without mentioning him. So how come you have refused to bow to him to get the maximum political stability and peace in the state?

Yes, we were very, very close. Even before 1999, we have been friends. I was Commissioner for Works and Transport for six years during the military, and my former governor is a politician right from the military when political parties were formed. I started politics right from 1978, and in 1979 during the NPN period, I even contested election and was even part of the executive members of the party in the state. So, politics is not something I am just starting now.

So, we contested together for governorship in 1999 and the result was controversial. Prince Tony Momoh was in Kano to supervise the primaries, the result was controversial; the elders reconciled us that he should be governor and I should be the deputy governor. I insisted that there should be re-election, but elders pleaded and I agreed to be the deputy governor. Tony Momoh is still alive, you can ask him.

And since I became the deputy governor I had to do it well. I had to be loyal, respectful and honest. So, I worked hard to add value to the government by supporting the governor not only by being loyal to him but working very hard to fill the gaps, promote the government and work round the clock to ensure when he is not around there is no difference. That is how we worked together. Even when he was a minister, I was with him. I was on my own when he invited me to come and be his adviser when he was Minister of Defence. I agreed because after all, we have been together, and he felt we could work together.

When we won the elections in 2011, he graciously invited me, it was not as a result of any contest between us, but out of his own volition. I have to thank him for that because he could have invited someone else.

So, we worked together peacefully. When I was nominated and after I won the elections in 2015, before handing over, I started seeing some elements of undercuts from his body language.

He didn’t attend my swearing-in, he just handed over and left for Abuja because he claimed he had something to do. I said okay and went for the swearing-in. A night before he left, I went to him and I said during my campaign,  I said that my administration will be a government of continuity. I told him that I want to retain the Secretary to the State Government. The SSG did not know, I was the one that told him. I told him that I want to retain the Accountant General. The DG Media is his friend, I told him I want to retain him, and I later made him a Permanent Secretary. The Press Secretary, I told him I want to retain him, so he phoned and told him. And then the four administrative staff in the office, I asked him ‘will you like to take some’, he said he was taking only one, the remaining three are still in my office. So, that was a symbol of continuity.

Then it came to the appointment of commissioners and, of course, from his body language I had started seeing some elements of disagreements. So, I didn’t get his opinion on the appointment of the commissioners because I thought that was not even necessary because the commissioners are not as strong in government as SSG and the Accountant General. So, I thought it was something I could do. Even at that, my Commissioner for Agriculture now was also his Commissioner for Agriculture, we are still together; the Commissioner for Local Government is a younger brother to his wife, he was chairman of local government during his time; the Commissioner for Water Resources was an adviser in his government; the Commissioner for Finance was also Commissioner for Finance in his government.

Like I said, I started seeing some elements of undercuts from his body language, and then he started attacking my administration. First, even before handing-over, he said he has paid all the contractors in Kano, but the contractors went to radio stations and said he was telling lies. You could see that he was trying to heat up the system even before handing-over.

Some months before he left, he declared free education at all levels knowing well that it was clearly impossible. When he said free education, the Vice Chancellor of Bayero University said okay, the highest number of students in the university, ‘this is the figure please give us the money because since you declared free education what it means is that they will not pay single kobo.’ He said the VC should divide the figure into four that he will pay and the VC said no, ‘our budget is not based on that.’ Students in other universities were paying, and yet he said it was free education.

And also, few weeks before he left, he was sending students in thousands abroad; some studying chemistry, geography, biology, engineering, medicine. And you know how much it is costing us so far because of the fall of the naira, he paid N4 billion on foreign scholarships. When we calculated, each foreign student will get N68,000 per month. It was a huge expenses considering our challenges occasioned by the drop in the prices of oil at the international market. In fact, some state governments returned their students from foreign universities because they couldn’t cope, but I didn’t return anybody. I’m still paying with tears.

Again, he took pension money and built houses that up till now we are finding it very difficult to dispose off. We put N4.1 billion from the pension fund and the liability we have on the houses is over N3 billion. So, even if we sell the houses, we have to pay contractors. So, what I am trying to say is that even before handing-over, he was setting up some traps so that the government will be a failure. He even went to my senatorial district five days before my taking over and said he was establishing a Technical College of Education in one of the local governments. How can you establish a school like that without approval from the federal government, without any legislation from the State House of Assembly, without any infrastructure, no plans for teachers, no plans for equipment? He did this so that when I come, I will find problem on ground.

After he left, I told the people that it was a story-telling because there is nothing on ground to establish a college of education. What I discovered later is that we have a Federal College of Education (Technical). The Provost told me that Kwankwaso told him he wanted to establish a college of education and he told him not to because we are not even filling our quota in the federal college.

I held a press conference and I said leaving a liability is not a crime. This government is a government of continuity and I will continue to forge ahead. But he was still pained that the Transition Committee said he left a liability of over N300 billion, but that was the fact. So, you find all these kinds of things, which I didn’t want to bring to the open until he decided to attack me.

He even wrote in the letter that receiving loan from the federal government was not part of the Kwankwasiya policy. So I started to wonder, what is Kwankwasiya policy? Because I was the first person to put the Kwankwasiya structure on ground. He started using some members of Kano State House of Assembly against me, but God so kind, out of the 40 members, 35 of them are with us. Even at the federal level, most of the lawmakers are with us.

The crux of the matter is that he wants to be remote-controlling me. How can I be remote-controlled by somebody outside the government? I was a civil servant at the state level after graduation and I got to level 17 at the federal level. I have been in politics for years. I was secretary to our party in my local government, assistant secretary of our party at the state level, commissioner for six years and deputy governor for eight years. For goodness sake, if you are talking about government, I should know what it is about.

Are there efforts in place to find peace between you and Kwankwaso because what is happening in Kano has the capacity to distract APC government at the national level?

Reconciliation is very important. First of all, the National Working Committee of our party and some stakeholders were invited to look into our matter. I was there and I made my case, he too made his case and then they said, ‘go inside the room and sort out yourselves.’ We met in this very house (Kano State Governor’s Lodge, Asokoro, Abuja) and elders said we should go and sort out ourselves, he said he was not going. He banged the door and left, saying he was not a small boy.

The stakeholders asked what next? I said ‘don’t go after him. When you people said we should go into the room and sort out ourselves, I told you people I was ready to go and reconcile with him.’ And what was the issue? The bone of contention was that the chairman of the party in the state was dishonest. We caught him red-handed. He told somebody to go to a radio station and blackmail the government not knowing that the person was recording him. And then the person went to the radio station and did what he was asked to do.

Then somebody went to the chairman and said he should call the man to order because of what he said about the government and the governor. So, the chairman issued a statement just on the face value. And people called him and told him that what he said in the statement was not enough. So, the other person who abused me turned around and said, it was the chairman that asked him to abuse me and he released the recording.

The chairman then came with the speaker of the State House of Assembly and some elders and brought the Holy Qur’an and said to me, ‘I swear to God, I never did that.’ And I said go and put it in writing but up till today he never did that. Then I said go and continue with your job. Then Kwankwaso said that they wanted to condole with me, I asked him how many of them were coming and he said only him. I said when you are coming let me know so that I can send my chief detail to receive you, he said I shouldn’t worry. Meanwhile, chairman of the local government told me that they got a text message that the former governor was coming and they should all come to the airport. They invited all sorts of people, they came to the airport and even broke some equipment there. Right from the airport to my village, they were abusing me; that I lost election, that I was not in the Kwankwasiya group. They did that to the extent that even when they were supposed to offer prayers, they were shouting.

I think that was the last straw that broke the carmel’s back. When he did that, the party said ‘no, no, no, this is wrong.’ Then the party’s executive council convened and had a press conference that they would investigate how people were abusing instead of condoling with me.

Stakeholders at the second meeting the following day asked the chairman to go and refute the statement that the party would investigate the incident. The SSG that I inherited from Kwankwaso held a meeting in his house and told the chairman to go and refute it, and the chairman refuted it; that he was under duress.

Then the party passed a vote of no confidence on him. So, the former governor insisted that the man should continue to be the chairman. How can a senator control the party at the state level? If I was an amateur politician, it will be possible. But not with a man of my caliber and the stage I am in politics. To be frank, when I started politics he was in school and when he went into politics I sponsored him in many contests.

There was a time some governors tried to reconcile us. They said he should come to Malam Aminu Kano House in Abuja, he said he was not coming. I said don’t worry, that is not a problem, let’s go to him. We met him, and had a very lengthy discussion. We even shook hands, and yet there was no reconciliation. He was always abusing me.

And then one senator came and said he wanted to reconcile us, I said I have been counting the number of attempts people have made to reconcile us, about 17 times, but to no avail. And then he said what role can he play and I said yes, there is a role you could play now. Go and tell him that it is even shameful for a third party to try and reconcile us, why not the two of us sit down together and iron things out.

I said whenever I am in Abuja, we will go to his house, myself and himself will drive in a car either he drives or I drive because when I was a director we used to drive around Abuja together. So I said tell him that when I come to Abuja, I will take him then two of us will go around Abuja, seat and discuss and iron out our problems.

Or he will come to my house and when the sycophants around us see us drive together, they will leave us. Believe you me, he said no that he was not coming to my house. That man is still a senator. He said no, we are no longer friends and then I said well, good luck.

All efforts for us to reconcile failed, and unfortunately, the problem has gotten to the local level. I did all what I could to reconcile us, but he refused. What kind of a person is he? He wants to control the government from Abuja. But till today I respect him.

Are you still open for reconciliation?

Yes, it is possible, but the state will not be in his palms. He cannot impose his will on us. We recently conducted local government elections in the state, he went to court to stop the election, but we defeated him. He took us to a court here in Abuja to stop us, but up till now the case is on, and the court did not stop us from conducting the election. But still there is no permanent friend or permanent enemy. We will reconcile, but he has to agree to some terms.

President Muhammadu Buhari has appointed an APC stalwart, Ahmed Bola Tinubu, to reconcile all aggrieved members of the party. Can Tinubu reconcile you and your predecessor?

If you read the newspapers (Wednesday), my predecessor was in Anambra State campaigning to be president on the platform of the APC. I told someone if you reconcile us now, don’t you think we shall fall apart again? Because I am for Buhari. Kano state has a total of 342 delegates. We have the highest number of delegates in Nigeria in APC. No state has up to 300 delegates, and I can assure you if Kwankwaso contests against Buhari in APC, he will get zero vote from Kano. We are waiting for Tinubu, he is a highly respected person. We are ready for dialogue and reconciliation.

Don’t you think that this crisis with your predecessor will affect your chances in the 2019 elections?

On 2019 elections, that is left to God. But personally, I wouldn’t mind for him to join another party, back a candidate that will contest against me. And if the constitution allows, I would even invite him to come and contest against me on a different platform to test his popularity. Politics is like that.

Why do you still retain one of the key elements of the Kwankwasiya ideology, the red cap?

It is not as red as it used to be, it is now modified. This red cap you are seeing is not that of Kwankwaso. So, that is the situation we are now. We have tried all we could to reconcile, but our efforts didn’t yield fruitful results. And you know, I cannot waste my time on crisis.

Sun

Former National Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Dr Ahmadu Ali, has provided fresh insights into the intrigues that led to the emergence of Dr Goodluck Jonathan as the presidential running mate to the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, at the party’s convention on December 16, 2006.

Ali, a retired Army Colonel, three-time Senator, medical doctor, former Federal Commissioner of Education in the seventies and PDP National Chairman between 2005 and 2007, also made revelations on several issues, including how Jonathan preferred being Governor of Bayelsa State to being Vice President of Nigeria when he (Jonathan) was offered the job.

Titled, “The many colours of a rainbow: A biography of Senator Amadu Adah Ali” and written by Gideon S. Tseja, a copy of which Ali personally gave THISDAY at the weekend, the former PDP Chairman also provided details of why Yar’Adua got the nod to succeed Obasanjo in 2007.

“Amongst all the PDP governors who wanted to contest for president, he (Yar’Adua) was the only one on whom the EFCC could not find any evidence of corruption or misappropriation of funds. He left over N6 billion for his successor in the state coffers while other governors left virtually nothing. He was reluctant to contest for president.”

Although written by a third party, the recollections are that of Ali who stated in his preface dated August 22, 2016, that the effort took more than 30 years. “I started jotting down episodes in the merging story of my life since 1983 when the military coup d’etat of that year terminated the life of the civilian regime and the senators, amongst whom I was one, were unceremoniously booted out of office.”

Because of his hectic schedule, Ali said he could not bring himself into writing an autobiography until in 2008 when he finally decided to invite a university don, Gideon S. Tseja, “to assist me in writing my biography.”

With Ali as PDP Chairman in 2006, the book captures what followed after the nomination of Yar’Adua as the party’s presidential flag-bearer. According to the author, Yar’Adua was summoned to the basement of Eagle Square where Obasanjo, Ali and Anenih were waiting. This was what followed, going by the recollections in the book:

Even before the final results of the primaries were tallied, it was clear to the party leaders that Yar’Adua was going to win hands down. They—President Obasanjo, Chairman, BOT, Chief Anenih and the National Chairman, Dr Amadu Ali—decided to shift their attention to the nomination of a running mate on the PDP ticket, the man who would be vice president if Yar’Adua won the presidency.

“Congratulations”, the chairman began unceremoniously. “It is a well-deserved victory, and the party will give you all the support you need to win the presidential election.” He (Ali) paused for a moment as the president and the others also gave Yar’Adua their congratulations. “Peter Odili will be your running mate. He came third in our search for a presidential candidate. Governor Ahmed Makarfi came second in our score. For equity, the running mate had to come from the south.”

There was silence as everybody waited for Yar’Adua to react. Finally, looking away and avoiding the eyes of the chairman, he mumbled with his characteristic shy demeanour, “Thank you sir, but I would request…”

“You request what? The party produced you and the party will also produce the VP!” thundered the chairman.

“Let us try to give him time”, Obasanjo tried to intervene.

“We don’t have time sir. We need to move fast. You can never tell what mischief is being planned right now. Did you see any of the governors towards the end of the election at the Square?” It was true that the governors had mysteriously disappeared when Yar’Adua’s victory became a certainty.

He (Ali) turned to Yar’Adua and continued his instructions to him. “Go and write your acceptance speech. Say something like this: ‘I would like to inform you that after due consideration and consultation with the party, I have selected Peter Odili, the executive governor of Rivers State, to run with me on the same ticket’. I want a copy of the speech and make sure Peter Odili’s name is on it!”

Yar’Adua went away and came back with the speech as directed indicating that Peter Odili would be his running mate, but it was clear that he was not happy. Pressure was brought to bear on the president to intervene and allow Yar’Adua to choose a VP he felt he could work with.

“Amadu”, said Chief Obasanjo, “don’t be too harsh on the young man. Let’s give him twenty four hours…”

“Twenty four hours! But…” the chairman was going to argue.

“I know what you mean”, Obasanjo cut him off, “but let us give him twenty four hours.”

It had been a long day. Tired and hungry the chairman went home dreaming of eating something, taking a long drink and flipping into bed to catch some rest. This was about 1.00PM on the day of the convention.

Meanwhile, unknown to the president, PDP governors were holding a secret meeting of their own to influence the choice of VP candidate. Clearly, they were not in favour of Peter Odili which the party leadership was contemplating. Even before Ali could digest this information (provided by his wife), he got a frantic call from Obasanjo. He, too, had got some information about the governors’ plot.

“Amadu, come quick!”

“But you know we have just…”

“Come, please and don’t argue. Quick, quick!”

The dream about taking some rest evaporated as Ali doubled back to meet the president at the Aso Rock Villa.

He (Obasanjo) told the Senator about the governors’ meeting. “We must act quickly or the governors will hijack this thing. Anenih is on his way and I have already summoned Yar’Adua. If he hasn’t thought of a running mate, then we must impose one on him.”

This had been the senator’s position exactly, all along.

As soon as Yar’Adua arrived, the president told him without any preamble, “Now, name your running mate, now, now. We don’t have twenty four hours.”

“Goodluck Jonathan,” he said without hesitation. He had obviously thought about it or tutored to mention the name. Immediately, Jonathan was sent for.

When Jonathan arrived a little later, the president said, “We have summoned you here to offer to you the position of Vice President. What do you think?’

Jonathan was stunned. He was obviously not expecting this and had not remotely considered the possibility. He opened his mouth as if to say something but nothing came out.

The president seeing his discomfiture added helpfully, “This decision was taken after a long process. We just want to know what your opinion is.”

Finally, Jonathan found voice, although he was disconcerted by this development.

“Well”, he began tentatively, “If I had a choice, I would prefer to remain as governor. I know the job. I know where I stopped. But this VP…I don’t know what it entails.” After a look of disapproval from the chairman and the president, he added quickly, “but if you want me to serve in that position, I accept.”

YarAdua turned to Jonathan and asked him, “Would you like to be my running mate?”

“Yes sir.”

President Obasanjo turned to the Chairman and said, “Amadu, take him to my parlour. The television crew are on their way for a press conference. You and Chief Anenih should stand on either side of him and let him announce the name of his running mate.”

The governors were still at their meeting scheming how to influence the choice of vice president when Yar’Adua announced his running mate to the public in the foyer of the presidential villa. The announcement was carried Live on NTA and other networks. This put paid to the PDP governors’ plot to nominate a vice presidential candidate.

In a chat with THISDAY, Ali said this would be the first part of his story as he intends to write another one by himself. But the current book also details his life and career. Some of the issues dealt with in the book include the 1966 and 1975 military coups, Ali’s role in the creation of Kogi State, the ‘Ali Must Go’ saga, the General Sani Abacha coup in November 1993 at a period he was in the Senate, Obasanjo’s ‘third term’ bid and the defeat of Jonathan at the 2015 presidential election.

Thisday

The Transparency International verdict corresponds largely with the perception of many Nigerians

Since we were almost certain that the anti-corruption outing of this administration was bound to unravel under the weight of its numerous contradictions, the result of the latest Transparency International (TI) Corruption Perception Index came as no surprise to us. There was no ‘war’ going on because wars have underlying doctrines which inform battle plans. It was not even a campaign, either in a political or PR sense because campaigns aim to carry a mass audience along. More distressingly, it had no foundation in public morality or ethical good governance. All that some officials have been waving is the tattered flag of the integrity of President Muhammadu Buhari.

According to the latest Transparency International report on corruption perception index, Nigeria ranked 148 out of 180 countries assessed in 2017. Meanwhile, in 2016, Nigeria ranked 136th. Within the continent, Nigeria was ranked 32nd out of the 52 assessed countries in 2017. Yet, Prof Itse Sagay and other officials can continue to deceive themselves rationalising what the TI report means.

To worsen matters, the president has allowed the high authority of his office to be invoked in seeming protection of high state officials like the lingering cases of the recalls of former Chairman of the Presidential Task Force on Pension Reforms, Mr. Abdulrasheed Maina and the head of the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS), Prof Yusuf Usman; not to mention the questionable appointment of the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) head. The treatment of these cases violates all known rules of due process and respect for basic public decency and accountability. With this administration, no one can say with certainty whether nepotism and clannish nativism in federal appointments qualify as evidence of corruption.

What is, however, never in doubt is that for targets, this ‘war’ has repeatedly homed in mostly on former appointees of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Curiously, some of the former leading lights of the PDP who happen to be the arrowheads of the Buhari ascendancy have been immune from the investigative searchlight of both the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB). With such a hazy definition of target, the administration committed an unpardonable political hubris and travesty of natural justice in its declaration of war on corruption.

Admittedly, the PDP administration under President Goodluck Jonathan was an untidy mixed bag of good men and women overwhelmed by gangsters and a mob ethic. But it was not the exclusive club of corrupt elements as recent experience with the All Progressives Congress (APC) government of Buhari has shown. Therefore, the TI verdict is no rude shock. In fact, what should worry the incumbent government is the reality that the verdict by TI corresponds largely with the dominant perception of informed Nigerians.

The drama and media showmanship that Nigerians have witnessed in the name of fighting graft, especially by the EFCC will worsen corruption in the future. It has taught corrupt people new ways to evade the radar. All you need to do is join the ruling party and all sins are forgiven, if not forgotten. Yet, selective application of targets in the fight against corruption is in itself corruption. Using corruption to fight corruption may be Nigeria’s contribution to the global anti-graft crusade. But so far, it does not seem to be a workable proposition. Private sector and institutional corruption remain intact. Not to talk of the sociological- ‘way of life’- corruption in our daily lives.

The summary of the foregoing is stark: the anti-corruption war was not thought through. It was just a knee-jerk and populist gambit that will remain the butt of jokes long after Buhari may have left office.

Thisday

He is venerated as the type of civil servant Nigeria needs for its much desired renewal. God-fearing, straight-talking, honest, and excellent  servant-leader, he is widely celebrated as an honourable man who sees office not as a conduit for filthy lucre but a means to deepen his connection with God and serve humanity. But rather than gloat in the accolades that trail him wherever he goes and whatever beat he covers, Professor Ishaq Oloyede, first class Islamic Scholar, Executive Secretary of National Inter-Religious Council, NIREC, former Vice Chancellor, University of Ilorin, and incumbent Registrar and Chief Executive of the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Examination Board, JAMB, is a sad man. An angry man.

Oloyede, also President of the Association of African Universities, AAU, never veiled his anger, last Tuesday, as he fielded questions from Ray Power F.M., during the station’s flagship morning programme, POLITICAL PLATFORM. He fulminated, not at the discovery of past massive looting of the examination body by rogue officials nor the absurd explanations by some thieves now in the net, but the manner in which Nigerians have been trivialising the shock finds.

Since the salacious story of Philomena Chieshe, a thieving sales clerk in JAMB, broke about two weeks ago, with a few other equally absurd tales in tow, the social media (even the traditional media) have been brimming with comic posts about naira-swallowing snakes and other gory stories. Even a Senator visited the JAMB office in the FCT with anti-snake venoms and snake charmers to mock the ridiculous lies spewed by the thieves in JAMB.

Before I return to Prof. Oloyede, a man, who though not an angel, has been marching where even celestial beings dread to tread, let’s refresh our memory on the Pandora box in JAMB. 

After she was busted, Philomena Chieshe, the psychedelic sales clerk, had lied to auditors that her house-help conspired with one Joan Asen, another JAMB staff, and used a mystery (or is it spiritual) snake to suck the whole of N36 million she made through sales of Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination scratch cards to students! Labaran Tanko, another JAMB staff member in Nasarawa State, was a little bit scientific in his looting methodology. He lied that some unsold scratch cards, worth N26 million, got burnt with his car while travelling to Abuja to remit the cards. Lies from the bottom of hell. God knows how many times the thieves must have memorised and rehearsed those lines of lies.

That’s not all. The sleaze is still pouring. There have been reports that JAMB is also probing new cases of looting amounting to a staggering N83 million in its offices at Kano, Edo, Kogi, Gombe and Plateau respectively. Saturday PUNCH, in a recent edition, gave the breakdown as: Edo (N31 million), Kano (N20million), Plateau (over N15 million), Gombe (N10million), and Kogi (7million). Couple these with the about N300 million that hackers creamed off desperate and lazy students and their collaborating parents, and watch if Satan himself would not scream blue murder! The sleaze in JAMB is the stuff legends are made. They are both comic and tragic.

Naturally, these are the kind of stories that should so enrage a people that they bay for the blood of the criminals. But in a nation where big thieves are honoured, proven criminals are given power on a platter, and only minor thieves get nailed to the bleeding cross; where thieves only regret being caught rather than being thieves; people cannot but find episodes like the one oozing out of JAMB a tragic comedy. 

People like Professor Oloyede may be boiling in righteous indignation. Anti-corruption crusaders may knock their heads against the wall for all you care. But when you consider the fact that Nigeria is one huge colony of monster cobras, vampires that would do just about anything to whet their evil appetite for lucre, you cannot but laugh at the tragic comedy unfurling in JAMB. What do you do amid a colony of cobras that could swallow a whole ship laden with 30,000 barrels of crude oil in the custody of the Navy (September 2004) and the nation gets nothing more than a whimper in official response? What could hapless citizens do in a colony of cobras that could swallow N220 million from funds meant for IDPs and tell whoever cares to listen that same was expended on cutting stubborn weeds?

Indeed, what could any citizen do in a colony of cobras that could swallow $2.9 billion of funds earmarked for the people’s defence against imminent death in the hands of Boko Haram insurgents?  Or, a colony of cobras that could swallow US$20 billion of unremitted oil money (between January 2012 and July 2013) and consume the CBN Governor who dares to raise his voice against the malfeasance? Or, a colony of cobras that sucks N17 billion of pension funds and the vampire not only gets reinstated but is also rewarded with an exponential promotion for quickening the death of many retirees? Or a colony of vampire cobras that would suck their states to death while at the helm and rig their way to the National Assembly to continue with their unfinished business?

What about the cobras in our homes, in our worship places? It is the cobras in our homes, the very foundation on which society is built, that is the basis of Prof. Oloyede’s fulmination; if I did not misinterpret his interview on Ray Power F.M. 

The breeding point or nursery for the cobras that stalk our nation is the home. Or, what product do you expect from a home where parents not only bribe to get their wards enrolled in a secondary school of their choice but also pay heavily for such wards to write their WASCE in “special centres” and get them incredible results; results that are several thousands of kilometres away from reality? Still, the unscrupulous parents would not stop at that. They also procure live question papers ahead of the exam; or, in some cases, hire “exam contractors” to write the exam for their children? Of a truth, what does a society get if not colonies of cobras and vampires when parents bribe JAMB officials to post their children to “Miracle Centres” to write the matriculation exam; and, thereafter, invade their choice universities to soften the ground for the post-JME exercise?

Even after, gaining admission, the irresponsible parents would not quit. Instead, they would step up their game. They would bribe lecturers to score their spoilt brats high, irrespective of whether they attend classes or are frolicking abroad while their colleagues are swotting.

Of course, you must have heard or read about the true story of an unconscionable mother whose daughter was defiled but would not press charges so long as her daughter was admitted into the university.  Did you say ‘Haba!’

The truth must be told. As long as our current warped system remains intact, as long as we build our homes on shifting sand and parents continue to chase the wind, so long would our country be plagued with pastors who would accept N32 million tithes from an hotel clerk that earns less than N32, 000 per month and organise special prayers for him; governors who do abracadabra with their states’ meagre earnings, and ministers who must build bridges across the Sahara Desert and dam the Atlantic Ocean.

So long as our society remains the same, as long as we keep doing business the way we currently do, so long would we continue to produce cobras and vampires that would, one day, attempt to swallow the NNPC and Central Bank in one gulp, and suck all the oil beneath our soil and shores dry. And nobody would be able to stop anybody from using derogatory terms to describe our country and continent.

They would say worse things than what Donald Trump said recently about Africa, when he used those horrible words. The best way to stop people like Trump is to do the right things. And charity must begin from our different homes. I rest my case. God bless Nigeria.

The Chairman of the Police Service Commission (PSC), Mr. Mike Okiro, recently disclosed in Abuja that more than 150,000 of the nation’s policemen are attached to certain highly placed officials and some unauthorised persons in the country. The PSC boss lamented that the commission could not afford to have a half of the policemen in the country in private hands. He assured that the commission had, in conjunction with the Nigeria Police, commenced the implementation of the withdrawal of policemen attached to these classes of Nigerians but regretted that the exercise was hampered by lack of funds. Okiro also frowned at the way persons who had served as ministers over 10 to 15 years ago still move about with police security. He stressed that the nation cannot be battling a shortage of manpower in the force while a majority of its officers are allocated for private guard duties to a few privileged individuals. He also hinted that the number of policemen in the country is inadequate for our population, while the force is   underfunded.

This is not the first time this matter is being broached. We recall that President Muhammadu Buhari had, in 2015, directed that police personnel attached to unauthorised persons be withdrawn and deployed to confront the country’s rising security challenges.

Available data show that the numerical strength of the Nigeria Police Force is 308,000. The Inspector General of Police, Ibrahim Idris, has also affirmed that the force loses about 9000 of its personnel to death, retirement and dismissal every year.  The United Nations’ recommended ratio for policing is 1:400. But the 308, 000 policemen guarding over 180 million Nigerians fall far short of that recommendation. Having about 150,000 of our policemen serving certain Very Important Personalities (VIPs) and some unauthorised persons is an unhealthy practice.

Police authorities should withdraw all policemen attached to unauthorised persons. The Federal Government should also quickly address the twin issues of underfunding and understaffing of the police. This is important because only adequate funding and staffing of the police can holistically address the nation’s worsening security situation. Government should also consider the introduction of state policing, irrespective of the fears of abuse expressed by some Nigerians.

Although those fears are genuine, they should not stop the adoption of this idea which has served other countries very well. Those arguing against abuse of state police should note that even the current Federal Police is also open to abuse. There is no perfect system in the world so we must keep changing the ones that are not serving us well until we get what we want. Besides, the police personnel posted to individuals are often abused. Some are made to carry handbags and umbrellas for the spouses of their principals. Some even assist those spouses in shopping and other demeaning duties, while we lack personnel for core policing duties. 

President Buhari has approved the annual recruitment of 10,000 personnel into the force. This should be done to boost the numerical strength of the force. It is glaring that we cannot get the kind of policing we require until the government adequately funds, staffs and equips the Nigeria Police Force. Delaying these  necessities will worsen the nation’s security  challenges.

Sun

Confirmed: nothing ever changes in Nigeria. The more things change, the more they stay the same. This immortal epigram of Jean-Baptiste Alphonse Karr, the 19th century French critic, journalist and novelist, captures the fortune of the Federal Republic of Drama aka Nigeria. That is why when anything happens these days, I’m like: haven’t I seen this before? I’m seeing repetition all over again. As we say in Nigerian Latin, “Soja go, soja come, barracks remain the same.” I’m no longer as excited or as agitated as I used to be. An Igbo proverb says what a dog saw and is barking ferociously is the same thing a goat saw and barely bleated. It’s a depressing feeling of “I’ve seen it all”.

The kidnap of 105 female students of Government Girls Science Technical College, Dapchi, Yobe state, was Chibok all over again. As it was in April 2014 so it is in February 2018. The president has changed, the service chiefs have changed and the crime scene has changed — but the details are so alike. We were told they were kidnapped, they were not kidnapped; they were rescued by soldiers, they were not rescued by soldiers. Presidential fact-finding team finally confirms abductions. Déjà vu. The missing link is that President Buhari and his inner circle have not blamed political opponents for the kidnapping yet. And, yes, the first lady is yet to cry “Diariz God o”.

What a pity of a country. Every day, we spend billions of naira on security, but Nigerians are far from safe. The people who are safe are the leaders, our lords and masters. Nobody kidnaps their children. Nobody rustles their cattle. No herdsmen invade their farms. How many presidents, governors, senators, reps, ministers and commissioners have been kidnapped so far? As at last count, a whopping zero. They are all well protected — a convoy of armoured vehicles, soldiers and policemen guarding them front, sideways and back. The ultimate losers are the Nigerian people on whose behalf the leaders are having fun.

Incredibly, anytime we claim to have “technically defeated” Boko Haram, they unleash more horror. While I understand the role of propaganda in situations like this — at least to boost the confidence of citizens in the ability of government to protect them — it can only work when it is closer to the truth. There is no doubt that our courageous soldiers have recorded significant victory against Boko Haram — for which appreciation and commendation are not out of place. But of what value is painting the narrative that Shekau is about to wave the white flag when we know asymmetrical warfare is too complex to extinguish, especially with the horrendous north-east terrain?
There is something that really scares me about the security ecosystem in Nigeria. Recently, I attended a confidential briefing by the heads of the security agencies. As they took turns to tell lies, hailing themselves and even scoring themselves 80%, I was disheartened. It was more of a chest-thumping PR initiative than a security briefing. I left the meeting vowing never to attend another one again. If this is the kind of lies these people feed to the president, then Nigeria is almost finished. And if the president, with all his experience as a former military governor and former military head of state, believes these lies, then Nigeria is finished.

Our security agencies are so excellent at unleashing terror on ordinary Nigerians and failing spectacularly at fulfilling their job description of protecting life and property. They can arrest BBOG activists, provide security for the demolition of the houses of political opponents, declare IBB’s spokesman wanted, harass motorists and motorcyclists, and arrest harmless bloggers — but, with all the billions, they cannot protect schoolgirls from being kidnapped; they cannot protect cattle from being rustled; they cannot protect the lives of herdsmen, farmers and villagers. Something is awfully wrong with us in this country. We need our heads examined.

Sadly, I can sense a feeling of hubris among some supporters and sympathisers of the PDP and former President Goodluck Jonathan over the Dapchi kidnapping. “God don catch Buhari,” many of them are saying. Maybe gloating has its place, especially with all that Jonathan went through in the hands of APC over the Boko Haram crisis. But people are missing the point: returning PDP and Jonathan to power will not stop the insecurity. Our problem is worse than we think. There is something endemically wrong with Nigeria and we all — Christians, Muslims, northerners, southerners, Igbo, Hausa, Yoruba, etc — are victims. I kid you not.

I pray that one day the eyes of our understanding will open to realise that though tribe and tongue may differ, we are all in this mess together. We have voted government after government since 1999, but we are still importing and queuing for petrol, the refineries are still being repaired with billions of naira and they remain comatose, electricity remains unstable, the roads are still a landscape of potholes, the schools are still a shambles, the hospitals remain deathbeds, kidnappers and robbers are still kings, and corruption is still on the rise. Shouldn’t this tell us there is more to our problem than PDP and APC?

Nevertheless, APC deserves all the knocks. While I was certainly disgusted with the PDP, I have never been a fan of APC. In an article, May We Now Discuss the Issues, Please? (THISDAY, December 21, 2014), I wrote: “I am one of those Nigerians who cannot be easily moved by political slogans. I love the music of ‘change’ as rendered by the APC, but talk is cheap. What we need to know now is the content of this ‘change’… APC has done a very good job of highlighting the failure of the Jonathan/PDP administration in tackling the [Boko Haram] insurgency. What it has not told us, convincingly, is what it would do differently.” I still stand by my words.

It is simply amazing that having promised us so much, the APC guys have turned themselves into a nuisance and laughing stock in record time. Everything they criticised in Jonathan they are replicating in bad measure. And they are so shameless about it. Even their response to the latest ranking on the corruption perception index by Transparency International is much like what Jonathan would say: “It is political.” I agree, wholeheartedly, that change does not happen overnight. But if the morning foretells the day, Nigerians are in for a peculiar kind of change that is an inferior replica of what they voted out in 2015.

Buhari came to power on the back of two promises: fighting corruption and tackling insecurity. The anti-graft war has particularly been about exposing how PDP financed its presidential campaign in 2015. I am yet to see those who financed APC being called to answer questions. I may be wrong, but that is the impression I get all the time. As for security, while we have dealt with Boko Haram more seriously, we are not tackling other challenges satisfactorily. Buhari allowed the herders/farmers crisis fester for too long. Nigerians are being killed every day in avoidable circumstances. Critically, Buhari needs to urgently go back to the drawing board on Boko Haram.

The saddest side to the Dapchi abductions is the big blow to girl-child education. It is already a very difficult job persuading parents in the north-east to allow their daughters go to school, especially after the Chibok nightmare. Now that the Nigerian state has demonstrated yet again that it cannot protect these kids despite billions of dollars spent on security, how do you persuade the parents to let go of their precious jewels again? Potential doctors, nurses, accountants and beauticians will be too scared to go to school. They will end up as hawkers and child brides. I am on my knees praying that these girls will be reunited with their families as quickly as possible. Depressing.

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS

MISTIMED TABLE

There has been plenty argument over the reordering of elections — whether or not the national assembly has the right to take over that function from INEC. Ironically, I am not looking at it from a legal perspective — the lawyers are doing a good job on that. I am just thinking: if national assembly elections hold before presidential, how does that confer an advantage on the lawmakers? If President Buhari “jilts” them and they don’t get re-elected, how would they stop Buhari’s re-election thereafter? If they are strong enough, they will be re-elected, with or without Buhari. If not, the same “thing” Buhari used to stop them will ensure his own re-election. Understood?

BELLO’S BILE

Alhaji Yahaya Bello, the not-too-young-to-misrule governor of Kogi state, recently ran his mouth against Catholic bishops in the most disrespectful manner imaginable. We know he owes his curious ascendancy to governorship to President Buhari but he has become a pest with the way he licks the president’s boots. He felt so good linking the bishops to looting and tithing for expressing their legitimate concerns about the state of the nation. What Bello does not know about Kogi politics is that the winner will not be picked from Abuja. He needs to impress the voters if he hopes to get a second term. Sycophancy will not save his neck. Nauseating.

GANDUJE AGAIN

Governor Abdullahi Ganduje of Kano state has done it again — shoot first, think later. He has promised President Buhari five million votes in the state in the 2019 presidential election. No candidate, no matter how popular, has received five million votes from a single state in the history of Nigeria. So when a PhD holder for UI begins to talk this way, you are tempted to give up on Nigeria. People like him mislead Buhari into believing an election has been rigged against him when he does not get the figure they promised in their overzealousness. Flatterers look like friends. May we be blessed with leaders who think before they talk. Someday.

WHICH SHEKAU?

The Nigerian army has placed a bounty of N3 million on the head of Abubakar Shekau, the leader of Boko Haram. “He is running for his dear life. He is desperately trying to escape the Theatre, disguises as a woman and dresses in hijab,” the army had said in a previous press statement release. The same army has declared that Shekau has been killed at least three other times — without seeing his dead body. They even said he is a fictional character, that Shekau is a nomme de guerre. They need to sit down and take a position — either to admit Shekau is still alive or conclude that he is dead. But how can you place a bounty on a fictional character? Wonders.

“Power is like fire; it can keep you warm and it can burn you. It can cook you a meal or raze your house. It can purify gold or calcify a human being. Ensconced deep within its core are elements of good and evil. It all depends on the choices you make when you handle it.” – NEWTON C. JIBUNOH

Fellow Nigerians, I have some serious posers to raise today and I promise to answer them myself. One, how come every Nigerian is a saint, who pontificates about leadership, until he gets power and misbehaves worse than those he used to criticise? Two, why is corruption so endemic in Nigeria? Three, are we one of the most corrupt people on earth, and if so, why? Four, why is it impossible or difficult to fight and defeat or reduce corruption in Nigeria? Five and finally, what is the way forward?

Every Nigerian I know attacks and abuses every one of our leaders as corrupt, greedy, reckless and irresponsible. But is it not strange that our leaders did not just drop from the skies? They were born as normal human beings, went to similar schools like the rest of us, were raised by their parents, went into politics purportedly to serve and help their people, many of them as paupers who had no jobs and could barely feed themselves and their families. But as soon as they get elected or selected, levels change immediately. Instead of being servants of the people, what we see is a complete transformation and transfiguration. They become, and behave like, overlords and, in some cases, even warlords! The people serve them and not vice versa. The same man who, once upon a time, criticised leaders and even heaped curses on them is now a parasite feeding fat on his people. And acting in a worse manner, with no qualms or shame whatsoever.

Why is corruption so endemic in Nigeria? We all miss the answer by jumping to the conclusion that it is because we are selfish and greedy. Every human being has some measure or dosage of selfishness and greed in his blood, the quantity is what differs. I’m yet to see any of the critics who got to power and did not partake in the sharing of public resources or rejected his own share of the incredible remunerations and perks that our leaders attract and enjoy. It is usually a revalidation of the thesis of the Brazilian author, Paulo Freire in his seminal book, Pedagogy of the Oppressed, that the oppressed man loves and respects only one man, his oppressor, and he has only one dream in life, which is to join the class of oppressors, in order to fulfil his own fantasies.

The reason corruption has become endemic is simple and straight-forward. It begins from severe need and chronic want. Most of us were born poor, abysmally poor, struggled to go to school, graduated into unemployment, and joined the rat race. Even when we eventually get the jobs, it is not usually what we craved and desired. Although, I must immediately stress that, this was not the case many years ago particularly up to about 1984. At that time, it was a shame to be labelled as corrupt, a stigma that nobody wanted to attract to himself. People even took their lives if they were found wanting in this regard. It was more honourable to starve than to be a thief or worse still to be caught stealing from the public purse.

However, things changed from the mid-1980’s. A new mindset began to prevail. It suddenly did not matter too much if you were caught dipping your hands in the Treasury. Government and other public officials began to openly flaunt their ill-gotten wealth, the perennial season of anomy (apologies to Professor Wole Soyinka) from which we have never recovered had begun. What happened? It is not that people became poorer at the outset of this era, although eventually this also happened, but in reality it was our leadership at the time that brazenly took corruption to another level and the mass of the people who were already impoverished and looking for a way out suddenly followed suit.

From then on, the available jobs became jobs that can hardly keep our bodies and souls together. Month in, month out, most of us are already in deficit before the middle of the month. In Nigeria of today, many are easily and readily turned into beggars who have to seek extras from anywhere and wherever to make ends meet. Thus, when opportunities surface in form of political appointments, it is difficult to resist the temptations of stealing some, if not all of the divine favour, as many see such bazaar. Essentially, every adult operates his own government in the jungle that our city life has become. The amount of pressure this puts on an average individual is best left to the imagination.

Mass unemployment has made lives even tougher. Those who went to school with the hope of finding jobs to do afterwards would soon wake up to reality. There is nothing for them. Those with brilliant ideas cannot activate and actualise their dreams. There is no credit system to assist in fertilising their brains. Most civilised societies thrive on credits and overdraft. Ours is totally dependent on cash and carry system that takes no prisoners. I doubt if 80 percent of those who live abroad would ever be able to buy their homes without mortgages or buy cars without loans. Meanwhile, their Nigerian counterparts see how their old schoolmates and friends who went into politics suddenly acquired amazing wealth without much ado or stress. These are some of the reasons corruption is very attractive and extremely endemic in our clime. It has also become a crime not to have money in Nigeria.

Are we the most corrupt people on earth? The answer is a big NO. Nigerians are among the most hardworking people on earth. Most of us work 24/7 but without commensurate results or rewards. Some combine several jobs and juggle this and that to survive in the forest of a thousand demons. Those who let others give us the tag of the most corrupt people on earth are, in reality few and far between. They are people who stole in arrears and in advance. They stole more than they or their families, and even generations unborn, would ever ordinarily need. Speak to any politician about what it takes to attain power, you would be shocked to hear how much he spent and what he sold, including family properties to gamble on politics. It does not end there. Even if he is lucky to win his election, he is permanently under pressure to service his constituency. It is impossible today for the ruling government to probe and prosecute most of its members without hitting a brick-wall or running into big trouble. Apart from the fact that there is the conundrum that these crooks funded the elections that brought the Government into power, there is the irony that it was done on the basis that there would be a quid pro quo, some payback! Indeed, the fight against corruption was therefore compromised from the outset. Once those in opposition realised that this sword of Damocles was actually hanging over the government’s head, it became a way out for those who feared for their proprietary interests. Now, all known criminals, including all those under EFCC trial, have hastily absconded from their former political Parties to join APC, in order for their sins to be glossed over or even buried permanently. I can imagine the frustrations experienced by the EFCC and ICPC bosses who are usually handicapped and constrained from bringing many cases to their logical climax because of the mixed signals being sent by government. All told, corruption is such a complex web, at least in Nigeria.

It is noteworthy, that the corrupt always started as petty thieves in need of succour. Perhaps, if their needs had been nipped in the bud, those needs would not have graduated into pure unadulterated, unrelenting and all-pervading greed. There are several simple and legitimate ways of doing this without giving in to the cankerworm of corruption or creating a beggarly nation.

I love the American system of offering tips for services. It helps to cushion the shortfalls in inadequate incomes. It also ensures excellent service delivery because the nicer you are, the higher your tips. No American leader would ever condemn Americans as a nation of killers just because more homicidal lunatics have killed more human beings than in any other countries in the world. Let Nigeria kill corruption from the bottom and see if it would not reduce at the top. It is natural for people to seek and fight desperately for what they lack but want passionately. Every Nigerian loves the good life which he can hardly afford. It is obvious that waiting for peanuts at the end of every month would never guarantee that good life. Even those who have jobs don’t get paid regularly. He would have to slug it out anyway necessary or possible. As one erudite Judge says, a government cannot demand loyalty, trust and integrity from its work force if that government itself displays no loyalty, trust or integrity towards them by paying them, even the meagre salaries owed to them, when such salaries are due. Integrity, loyalty and trust are, in essence, an issue of mutuality and reciprocity for both the government or employer and its workers. Failing this, corruption becomes one of the easier options, willy-nilly.

Similarly, there is the proven and tested method of giving bonuses and performance related pay. It is frustrating when one knows how much you have contributed to the growth of your organisation, be it the public or private sector, but only the bosses get to receive the benefits of your hard work. The likelihood that you will want to take your own bonus, regardless, is very real and does happen

Unfortunately, we all focus our total attention on 36 Governors, 60 Ministers, less than 50,000 political appointees, while studiously ignoring the millions in the private sectors who wreak havoc slowly but surely and steadily. We simply accept as normal the policeman who collects bribes. A journalist who blackmails, torments and terrorises people would still write articles on behalf of the masses who regard him as their friend and defender. A journalist who is notorious for collecting “brown envelopes” would still misbehave like a pot calling kettle black.”

Is it impossible to kill or reduce corruption in Nigeria? It is not an impossibility. As rampant and pervasive as it is, Nigerians are still largely and mostly honest people. We need to work on those things enumerated above that have made corruption very attractive. There must be a multi-prong approach to killing it. We do not have to reinvent the wheel as different countries are known to have worked assiduously and truly succeeded in curbing the menace. We need to borrow some useful ideas from them. We should never feel too cocky to learn from others.

The way forward is to combine forces and efforts. The executive must be willing and ready. The economy must improve drastically. We can preach from now till kingdom come, but an empty stomach would always rumble and grumble. Mass poverty is the greatest tester and tempter of faith. The Executive and the Legislature must work harder together to create an enabling environment and justice for all. In this regard, the notion that these politicians are legitimately stealing the country blind, by voting humongous salaries for themselves, must be erased and eradicated. The Judiciary must be encouraged, at all times, to do justice without fear or favour. We have witnessed too much intimidation of the Judiciary in recent time and this does not augur well for the fight against corruption. The trial and conviction of alleged offenders on the pages of newspapers and on social media is also very wrong and terrible. No Nigerian should be pronounced guilty summarily without being tried and found guilty in a proper court of Justice.

Above all else, what is greatly needed is for the creation of strong institutions rather than strong personalities. The idea that corruption can only be fought buy one corruption Czar or one person as President must stop. Indeed, that in itself could breed corruption for nothing corrupts more than power. As the saying goes, absolute power corrupts absolutely. With strong institutions, all the safeguards and checks already put in place by our Constitution and other enabling laws can thrive. Things will work, seamlessly, regardless of whoever it is we have at the helm of affairs.

We can rid our country of this cancer. It is benign and not malignant! The way forward is by dedication to those principles of honesty, integrity and, in particular, shame, which served our forefathers well in the past.

As a student of and believer in federalism, I fully support the principle that federal polities should have police forces controlled by the federating units, and in the past I have strongly campaigned for State Police. Today, I am very frightened of the idea because the evidence that it would be abused is massive.

In the recent security summit organised by the Senate, the vice president proposed that the time has come for the establishment of State Police. The reasoning is that members of the police being local and therefore knowledgeable about the community would be more effective in fighting crime, militancy and insurgency. The key idea, therefore, is that they would know or be able to easily find out the bad boys and girls and deal with them. In my view, that is where the trouble begins; who will define the bad boys and girls.

State police would be established by State Houses of Assembly and that means the enabling laws defining their mandates, structure and control would be determined by State governors because as we all know, State Houses of Assembly are essentially puppets of their governors and they do as they are instructed. For State governors, the bad boys are clear and fall into two categories. The first category comprises politicians who want to contest state power with the governors or their chosen successors, for those in their second term. The second category consists of all persons who dare to criticise the governors or question their misdeeds. Currently, many critics, including journalists and civil society activists, are in arbitrary detention for daring to speak the truth about governors. The governors cajole law enforcement offices to “deal” with their perceived enemies, without having a police force totally under their control. I am convinced that most (not all) governors would jail all their “enemies” if they have police forces they can control totally.

Today, governors are salivating at the prospects of having their own police forces for two further reasons. Before addressing them, its important to note that immediately after the vice president’s comments, the chairman of the Governors Forum, Governor Yari of Zamfara State, who was not at the Summit, rushed in for the second day of the event to announce that governors support the vice president’s proposal and that the National Assembly should carry out the constitutional amendments that would make it possible. The following week, APC governors followed the president to his hometown, Daura, and begged him to support their quest for State Police. In addition, they have started talking to their senators and members of the House of Representatives to support the move.

…I agree with the analysis of Abubakar Tsav, retired police commissioner that the “establishment of state police at this time will signal the beginning of disintegration of the country”, as governors use the institution “against their perceived political opponents.” State and Federal police commands are also likely to work at cross-purposes…

My additional reasons of concern are that we have very serious ethnic and religious divides in the country at this time and many governors believe that if they have their own police, they can deal with the other. In addition, the pastoralists and farmers conflicts have been intensifying in many States and some governors have clear proclivities of seeking to expel pastoralists from their States, a move that would certainly deepen the crisis facing the Nigerian State today and lead to generalised insurgency.

It is for this reason that I agree with the analysis of Abubakar Tsav, retired police commissioner that the “establishment of state police at this time will signal the beginning of disintegration of the country”, as governors use the institution “against their perceived political opponents.” State and Federal police commands are also likely to work at cross-purposes when the two levels are in political disagreement, posing a real threat to national cohesion and security. I agree with Commissioner Tsav that: “Our politicians are not civilised enough and tolerant of opposing views and cannot preside over a competent and impartial police force.”

I have heard people argue that currently, the Nigerian Police Force are direct puppets of the president and they do exactly what they are told to do in dealing with the president’s enemies, so State Police could be a counter weight to presidential control of the Nigeria Police Force. I think it’s uncharitable to argue that the Nigeria Police are completely partisan in their actions. Federal institutions are, in general, much more capable of handling issues in an even-handed manner, relative to State-level institutions. The more effective separation of powers between the executive, legislature and judiciary at the federal level, in relation to the State level means that there are more effective control measures. The National Assembly, for example, can call the inspector general of Police to order in a way that no State House of Assembly can do with any institution obeying the State governor.

The structure of the police is also defective, as a significant slice of the police budget is consumed at the headquarters and very limited resources go to State Commands where police operations actually take place. State Police Commands then become dependent on State governors, who give them some money and in return get the Command to do their bidding.

The problem we have is that the police are not as effective as they should be and the way forward is to improve their efficacy. The chairman of the Police Service Commission, Mr. Mike Okiro, recently declared that 150,000 policemen and women, over half the total number, are attached to VIPs and unauthorised persons in the country. It would be recalled that in 2015, President Buhari had directed that police personnel attached to unauthorised persons and VIPs in the country be withdrawn and deployed to confront the security challenges in the nation. The instruction has not been complied with. The police are ineffective because over half of them are not available to do security based work and spend their time in the service of a few privileged Nigerians.

The structure of the police is also defective, as a significant slice of the police budget is consumed at the headquarters and very limited resources go to State Commands where police operations actually take place. State Police Commands then become dependent on State governors, who give them some money and in return get the Command to do their bidding. This problem must be addressed if the Police are to improve on their service delivery. Funding for the police should be improved but only on the basis of serious reforms carried out.

As a student of and believer in federalism, I fully support the principle that federal polities should have police forces controlled by the federating units, and in the past I have strongly campaigned for State Police. Today, I am very frightened of the idea because the evidence that it would be abused is massive. I am therefore going on record to say that I support State Police in the future but certainly not today.

Unsurprisingly, it is not unlikely that those aiming to unseat Mr. Buhari would have more than a keen interest in seeing that the one thing he is supposedly good at is the one thing he fails at. After all, it worked before. So, I will throw the question: do you think this recent violence would ebb if Mr. Buhari decides not to run for a second term?

Four years after those very dark days that we cannot forget soon, our country, Nigeria, is yet again drifting towards the abyss. Then, fellow citizens woke up almost each day to news of one bombing or the other. I was still residing in London when the now well-known “Chibok Girls” were kidnapped. The outrage over there was not immediate. I would probably not be easily forgotten at my former workplace because at some point I simply could not hide my angst at the initial indifference. Oh you bet; someone quickly issued a statement and so on. The rest is history. Considering how the government of the day at the time bungled the handling of the sad event and how years after, some of the Chibok girls remain in captivity, it is unfathomable how the current supposedly more competent government cannot even account for how many girls were kidnapped in another girls-only school in another state in North-Eastern Nigeria. To add insult to injury, the initial news that some of the now so-called “Dapchi Girls” had been rescued turned out to be false. The administration has asked for time. Well, so did the previous one.

Be Quick To Act, Mr. President

Lest we forget, there remains the vexing issue of the marauding Fulani herdsmen who continue to maim and kill with impunity. True, prominent Fulani leaders, like Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II of Kano, have condemned the attacks and called for the prosecution of the culprits. And indeed, the president, Muhammadu Buhari, has similarly tasked the security agencies to deal squarely with the matter; albeit not as early and quickly as he should have. Besides, even the security measures he has directed have not been without some controversy: Benue youth recently took exception to the characterisation of the so-called “Operation Rat Race” as a “training exercise” by the chief of army staff, Tukur Buratai. Is it that the incidents in Benue are not serious enough to warrant a proper military operation? Is it a strategy? To the second question, one might wonder why a similar strategy was not deployed to comparable troubles in the South-Eastern and Niger Delta regions of the country. We have to assume Mr. Buratai did not mean to cause offense.

But inevitably, as is usually the case with such miscommunication, all sorts of conspiracy theories have begun to emerge. Why would the president not visit Benue State? Considering Mr. Buhari has visited Nassarawa, Adamawa, and Katsina States since the most recent major killings in that self-acclaimed food basket of the nation, this is more than a tad troubling. (It is probably irrelevant now whether he visits Benue or not: the Yobe incident is now uppermost on everyone’s mind and would likely take all the attention). Of course, a Buharist might be quick to point out that his presence is not as necessary as the security measures he has already taken. Another potential rationalisation might be that the president should not and cannot visit every place where there happens to be a violent incident. Well, on the second point, one might argue that he could not now do so because there are now too many of them: wanton killings have been occuring elsewhere, in the North-Western State of Zamfara, for instance.

…while it is tempting to suggest that perhaps elements from rival political parties might be fuelling the current violence, it would be lazy thinking to do so. In trying to analyse the political dynamics around a situation, a clearer perspective is easily attained if you simply dimension the issues and events by who benefits and who loses.

Violence As Politics

It is highly unlikely that these violent incidents are random. The recent surge is definitely related to the already heightened political activities ahead of the 2019 elections. When similar violent incidents happened during the administration of former President Goodluck Jonathan, it was easy to allege that the North was perhaps trying to force the hand of the Southerner in power at the time. That simplistic characterisation cannot be made this time around. And while it is tempting to suggest that perhaps elements from rival political parties might be fuelling the current violence, it would be lazy thinking to do so. In trying to analyse the political dynamics around a situation, a clearer perspective is easily attained if you simply dimension the issues and events by who benefits and who loses. The beneficiary of the insecurity in the land during the Jonathan administration was Mr. Buhari, whose military credentials was a source of comfort for those who voted him to fix the problem.

Unsurprisingly, it is not unlikely that those aiming to unseat Mr. Buhari would have more than a keen interest in seeing that the one thing he is supposedly good at is the one thing he fails at. After all, it worked before. So, I will throw the question: do you think this recent violence would ebb if Mr. Buhari decides not to run for a second term? I will leave the answer to you. I guess the other curious reckoning you might have is who in the opposition is perhaps engineering or fuelling these negative incidents; if at all. We, Yorubas, have a saying for such conundrums: the insect eating away at spinach resides in it.