Daniel Dubois maintained his 100% knockout record in boxing with victory over DL Jones on Saturday night, taking his career record to 7-0-0.

It took the 20-year-old just three rounds to break down Jones, who also entered the bout unbeaten but was unable to handle the power of Dubois' punches.

He stayed tight in the opening rounds looking to land big punches, whereas Dubois used combinations to wear his opponent down.

And it worked. Come the third round, Jones was visibly exhausted and after taking some strong right hands from Dubois fell to the canvas at 2.23.

At that point the referee rightly stepped in, giving Dubois his seventh consecutive victory in what looks like a promising career.

Dubois is widely tipped to succeed Anthony Joshua in the heavyweight world and some even believe he's not far away from being able to challenge the current champion.

But some boxing fans aren't having it - and rightly so.

Dubois is an immense talent, there's no question, but it's still far too early to genuinely compare him to Joshua, let alone suggest a fight between the two.

What AJ has achieved requires something special and Dubois has far more to prove before we can truly believe he's capable of the same.

Nevertheless, the future is bright for Dubois and he recently discussed the idea of sparring with Tyson Fury so he can learn from the self-proclaimed 'Gypsy King'.

"Getting in the ring and learning a few more things from him - I don't mind that," said Dubois. "My management team look after all that, they arrange all that stuff but it can definitely happen."

"It excites me that he (Fury) is coming back, it adds to it all, it's a competitive division and him coming back is going to be good.”

Givemesport

THERE was hoopla when the government of President Muhammadu Buhari announced the list of the chairmen and members of the boards of parastatal-agencies recently. The number of the dead named as chairmen of board and the number of duplications recorded caused the alarm bells.

Notwithstanding the awkward development, some have seen something good to it all. The precision with which the dead were accounted for in that appointment shows the dexterous capacity of the government for accountability after all; even if it is all about the dead.

That precision was further demonstrated when figures of the dead started rolling in from the Benue killings, the Taraba killings and the massacres in Zamfara. The social media feasted on the scary statistics in different ways. But one that struck was the announcement by the association of the dead, thanking the Buhari government for involving its members in governance. One of the posts recognised that as evidence of life after death.

It is, however, sad that emerging trends are daily showcasing the government’s aversion for accountability, especially when it concerns the living. Incidentally, accountability was a trumped up issue in the 2015 electoral contest. But consistently, the government is beginning to show its abhorrence for accountability and the trend is fast showcasing that change mantra as misconceived, packaged or overrated.

Upon his assumption of office in 2015, President Buhari and the APC made a meal of the state of the economy. Though the website of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) as at May 28, 2015, indicated that

Nigeria’s foreign Reserve stood at $29.61 billion; the new administration lamented its fate. It claimed to have inherited a totally empty treasury and a broken down house. Even at that, there was also the sum of $2.1 billion in Excess Crude Account.

The nation sympathised with Buhari especially on account of the falling prices of crude at the international market at the time. Within months, the Foreign Reserves came down to below $24 billion and oil hit $27 per barrel. Heat waves circulated around the economy and there was recession. That recession was blamed on the failures of the past administrations to “save for the rainy day.” And you got the wink that once things stabilized by design or divine, the new government would display the first class accountability.

For more than a year now, oil prices have rebound, selling at $70 per barrel at a stage. The Niger Delta Creeks have been quiet, thus paving the way for ease of oil exploration. Yes, the government has announced an upsurge in the Foreign Reserves to about $40 billion as a result of upscale in crude prices, but that appears the end of accountability.

Again last week, the House of Representatives had to halt a $1.8 billion contract for Turn Around Maintenance (TAM) for the nation’s four refineries as the Representatives could not understand the basis for continuous pumping of public funds into the moribund refineries. And to think that TAM contracts have remained a recurring feature of planned revival of these refineries. Still on accountability for the living? Check out the manner of recall of the Executive Secretary of the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS), Prof. Usman Yusuf, who was suspended in respect of an investigation caused into the expenditure of over N900 million belonging to the scheme.

Apart from that, reports also indicated that the Ministry of Health was also looking into some expenditures totalling about N10 billion in the NHIS. Rather than call him to account, Yusuf was rewarded with a recall.

The nation under Buhari looked to have attained an inglorious height in lack of accountability (for the living) with the unfolding kidnap saga in Dapchi, Yobe state. Last week, some gun-toting operatives of the Boko Haram sect stormed the Government Girls Technical College Dapchi, Yobe state, carting away some yet to be identified number of girls. Initial reports indicated that out of 936 female students, many of whom ran into the bush upon hearing sporadic gun shots, 810 returned while 46 were missing.

Another report indicated that the Army was able to repel the attack on the school and yet another indicated that all the girls were recovered by the Army. Again, another report indicated that 94 students were missing still missing as at Tuesday. The last of the information indicated that no fewer than 111 students are missing as a result of the insurgents attacks. Really a confused state of things, leaving the parents and relations in mystery. After the depressing Chibok girls’ saga, it looks stranger than fiction that an incident of such magnitude would repeat itself in similar fashion.

It is a scandal of unimaginable value. Chibok was said to have caught everyone by surprise, but that the same incident repeating itself is nothing but absurd. After Chibok, it should not be heard of that a school in the troubled North-East is left without adequate security, but this is what we are witnessing.

Sad enough, rather than demand accountability from the executive, the representatives of Yobe State in the Senate are about political pillars and factions. While Senate Leader, Senator Ahmed Lawan and

Senator Bukkar Abba Ibrahim are all for political correctness on this, Senator Hassan Mohammed (Yobe South) was ready to hit the bull’s eye. Whatever the actors think, the emphasis should be on the living, rather than the dead. The Dapchi girls and others deserve to return home alive.

The Arewa Christians and Indigenous Pastors Association (ACIPA) have condemned the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) for rejecting the proposal of state police.

President of ACIPA, Reverend Luka Shehu, who made the condemnation at a press briefing in Jos, said the ACF position amounted to double standards, having been the proponent of Sharia Hisbah police, while rejecting a secular police state.

He said Nigeria needed state police to arrest the spate of insecurity, adding that his association also rejected every aspect of the proposed open grazing reserve bill for herdsmen.

According to him, “the Federal Government has no business acquiring land for herdsmen, and that any state with indigenous herdsmen, who desires to promote open grazing as a means of business, should allow individuals purchase land for such purpose in their state.

“Nigeria is not among the top twenty nations in global cattle business, not among the top beef-exporting countries, not among the top exporters, not among the nations with top cattle inventory. None of the nations with cattle practise primitive cattle grazing or have cattle colonies like the herdsmen of Nigeria.

He further stated that the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association could not dictate to any Middle Belt State government the law to enact to protect their citizens, and therefore called on Governor Simon Lalong of Plateau State and his counterparts not to compromise their people’s destiny and land by foot dragging on enacting such law.

While condemning the use of security apparatus to intimidate or harass clerics and Nigerians against the style of present leadership in the country, he alleged that there was an attempt recently to arrest Prophet Isa El-Buba, in Jos.

Tribune

The resignation of Bishop Okpalaeke of Catholic Diocese of Ahiara marks a new development in the church

The politics and tension that engulfed the Catholic Church following the rejection of The Most Rev. Peter Ebere Okpalaeke by the clergy and laity of Ahiara Diocese was partially resolved last week as the bishop resigned his appointment. The rebellion and stiff resistance by the faithful of the diocese over a five-year period was unprecedented. Appointed in 2012 by then Supreme Pontiff (Pope) Benedict, the bishop could neither be consecrated in nor granted entrance to the cathedral. He was a bishop in limbo. A contradiction in terms!

It is unfortunate that neither the authority nor office of Pope Benedict and Francis was enough to sway the Mbaise Catholic faithful. The reasons adduced were as ludicrous as the violent resistance that has portrayed the well regarded church in bad light. The people have insisted that only a bishop of Mbaise extraction would be acceptable to them.

Ethnicity and intolerance, the bane of Nigeria’s development have eaten so deep into the church that no appeals or threats could sway the people. Explanation that appointments are made by the leading of the Holy Spirit meant nothing to them as they insisted that the Mbaise people have the largest number of Catholic priests in Sub-Sahara Africa, yet, none, so far, has been deemed fit for appointment as bishop. Since 2012, John Cardinal Onaiyekan has been superintending affairs of the diocese, but the embattled bishop’s resignation has produced The Most Revd Lucius Ugorji, Bishop of Umuahia, as the new Apostolic Administrator until a final resolution of the unusual crisis is effected.

However, we commend Bishop Okpalaeke’s maturity in realising the damage that the stand-off has caused and continued to cause the Catholic Church’s image. His resignation is an indication that he knows that the church must not suffer the result of human frailties. In his letter, he indicated: “I am convinced that my remaining the Bishop of Ahiara Diocese is no longer beneficial to the church … I do not think that my apostolate in a diocese, where some priests and lay faithful are ill-disposed to have me in their midst would be effective.”

The Ahiara Diocese crisis is a pointer that the church should carefully examine the appointment process and strictly adhere to time-tested laid down rules. The rebellious faction insists that Bishop Okpalaeke’s appointment did not follow due process as neither the Metropolitan Bishop of Owerri nor any of the local ordinaries was allowed to play the part expected of them.

We call on the local authorities, including the leadership of the Catholic Bishops Association of Nigeria, the Metropolitan Bishop of Owerri, the immediate Past Apostolic Administrator, Cardinal Onaiyekan, the new Apostolic Administrator, the respected Francis Cardinal Arinze, the Apostolic Nuncio in Nigeria, representatives of the Knights and Laity on both sides of the divide, to prayerfully consider the issues involved in the crisis with a view to restoring order in the diocese as well as improving on the process of appointing bishops. Only this could sustain the respect the church commands in the society.

Only recently, the Catholic bishops visited President Muhammadu Buhari and spoke for the people. Crises such as in Ahiara Diocese could muffle the voice of the bishops. It is also an eye opener to other churches that, while the spiritual should be their primary concern, other issues regarding structure and administration deserve due attention. Church history shows that the laity has never accepted to be shoved aside. The Pope in far away Rome might be credited with making appointments, but recommendations are locally made. What the Mbaise Catholic faithful demand is akin to the “taxation without representation is tyranny” slogan of the American Revolution.

It could be indicative of a resentment of over-centralisation of decision-making. Deification of the Pope was one major reason for the 16th Century Reformation drive that gave birth to protestantism. A parallel could be drawn between the prevailing issues that fuelled that revolt and the seeping challenge that could be gleaned from the Ahiara Diocese that withstood the church for more than four years and seems to be having its way.

As Nigeria’s steady and seemingly inexorable drift into an abyss of anomie continues, it is difficult not to notice the striking resemblance between the way Boko Haram was propped up in the not-too-distant past, by those in a position to have nipped its incipient danger in the bud, and the way the marauding Fulani herders are being egged on in their sanguinary pursuits today. What is happening now, as was the case with the murderous Boko Haram group then, is a government adopting a policy of appeasement, or even turning a blind eye, in a situation that requires courage to deploy the full weight of the law to crush a certain and undisguised danger confronting the country.

This is really not surprising because Nigeria has an uncanny reputation for ignoring insidious signs of national disasters until they assume gargantuan proportions and start wreaking incalculable havoc on the country. Whenever such situations present themselves, rather than act swiftly and dispassionately, in national interest, the response has most often been coloured by politics, ethnicity and religion. This is still a sad reminder that, more than a century after the colonial powers unwisely yoked together a diverse multitude of nations and groups into a single entity, Nigeria is yet to attain the status of nationhood.

But after the initial onslaught, resulting in the death of its founder, Mohammed Yusuf, and hundreds of others, Yar’Adua soon took ill and eventually died; but his order to snuff out the Islamist group was not effectively carried out. Boko Haram would later become the most deadly terror organisation in the world by 2014, according to the Global Terrorism Index. Not only has the terrorist group been credited with the death of over 100,000 people, it also carried out an audacious kidnap of about 272 schoolgirls, many of whom have yet to regain freedom. But as if contending with Boko Haram is not enough headache for one country, the Fulani herdsmen, designated the fourth deadliest terror group in 2014 by GTI, soon joined to effectively mark Nigeria out as the most terrorised country in the world.

But Nigeria is in this sorry pass because of the role of some Northern elite who politicised the Boko Haram narrative just as they are doing with the Fulani herdsmen carnage. Even the tepid response of the Goodluck Jonathan’s inept administration was frustrated by those who thought they could score political points using the unfortunate circumstances. A prominent champion of this cause was the former governor of Adamawa State, Murtala Nyako, who, in an infamous memo to the Northern Governors’ Forum, accused the Federal Government of committing genocide and blaming it on “innocent” Boko Haram.

Describing Boko Haram attacks as induced calamity, the retired vice-admiral attributed the mass killings of students and children in their schools’ dormitories and examination halls, and the mass kidnapping of girls, to Federal Government’s agents. Yet, these were acts for which the murderous group clearly claimed responsibility. Such wild claims by a supposedly respected elder left those with the responsibility of fighting terror in a quandary.

Nyako, a former Chief of Naval Staff, was just one among the elite cast of that gruesome drama. At a critical time when the group had just pulled off an incredible feat of bombing Nigeria Police headquarters in Abuja, in 2011, the Sultan of Sokoto, Sa’ad Abubakar III, also a retired senior military officer, warned against a military crackdown on the group, saying, “You cannot solve violence with violence.”

Two years later, the then presidential candidate, Muhammadu Buhari, granted an interview to Radio Liberty where he also condemned the clampdown on Boko Haram. Buhari, who was quoted as saying that he did not support the declaration of a state of emergency in Borno, Yobe and Adamawa states, complained that the government was killing members of the Islamist sect and destroying their houses while giving special treatment to militants in the Niger Delta.

At a time when Boko Haram had started occupying large swathes of territory in the North-East, targeting its critics, some governors came out openly to apologise to the mindless killers. Some people even attempted to lure them into dialogue, with a view to granting them amnesty, which, in Nigeria, comes with monetary reward. Of course, this was a proposition that the Islamists, who were only interested in foisting Sharia, the strict Islamic law, on the country, were not ready to consider. It was only when Boko Haram started targeting mosques, Islamic clerics and even made attempts on the lives of the then Emir of Kano and the Shehu of Borno that they started taking the group seriously. By then, it was already late, and Muhammadu Shuwa, a retired major-general, and some other prominent people, had been killed.

Nigeria is in a very precarious state now because acts inimical to the security and wellbeing of the country are being condoned. As the Fulani herdsmen and militia are wreaking havoc across the country, the loud voices of condemnation that should be heard have been muffled by the politics of ethnicity and religion. There is hardly any part of the country that has not tasted the brutality of the group that specialises in sacking villages and in invading people’s farms with their cattle. What the herdsmen do in some places is akin to ethnic cleansing.

While Boko Haram has been limited largely to the North-East, the herdsmen’s threat is more widespread and can be felt even in the most southerly parts of the country. But, like Boko Haram, the destructive spirit of the herdsmen may eventually not be limited to their present targets. Very soon, those propping them up today may become their victims tomorrow. That is the time that the country will start voting billions of dollars to fight Fulani herdsmen terrorism.

Now is the time to stop the arms-bearing herdsmen and the militia that are killing on their behalf. When a similar problem cropped up in Ghana, the security forces responded swiftly by chasing them out of the country. Some of those that left Ghana eventually found their way here. Nigeria should not be a dumping ground for terrorists. The government has a responsibility to protect citizens against any external aggression, be it from Fulani herdsmen or any other terror group.

Punch

Elder statesman, Chief Ayo Adebanjo, tells TOBI AWORINDE that President Muhammadu Buhari has lost his integrity and that Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo should step down in solidarity with Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s struggle for true federalism

You have been vocal about the need for restructuring, even warning that the Yoruba could break away….

All I am saying is anybody opposing restructuring is an enemy of Nigerian unity and it is only those of us who are clamouring for restructuring that love the unity of this country. But if (President Muhammadu) Buhari thinks he can force unity on this country (as it is currently structured), that is the end of Nigeria. That’s what I said. Opposing restructuring is opposing the unity of Nigeria and our own contention is that we had been united under an agreement made in 1954 before independence. The founding fathers were invited to London by the Colonial Office and decided on the constitution under which they were going to live together. That was the result of the Federal Constitution of 1954, when premiership was created in all the regions. That was what carried us until 1960. It was under that system that the Colonial Office said any region that wanted self-government could have it. So, the East and the West opted for self-government in 1956/57, but the North said it was not ready until 1959. That was what delayed our independence till 1960. When all of us got self-government, (we agreed) we could then get independence. And that was the constitution we held on to even after being made a republic. But the coup came in 1966, and it was the military coup dominated by the northern Muslims that created the constitution we have now. That is the bottom line of the problem. They then reverted to the unitary form of government. All the things we had agreed upon to make us live together in peace were jettisoned and they deliberately created it to further the cause of the Northern Region.

It’s mostly from the northern leaders because they were the ones whose people loaded the constitution against the South. For instance, every army general (under military rule) wanted a local government. Go and find out, on what basis were the local governments under this constitution created? What were the yardsticks? They created more states in the North than the South, just by the rule of the thumb. And by creating more local governments there, revenue, which should have been distributed on the basis of derivation — what you call resource control now was derivation then, which was fought for in 1954 and granted — they then cancelled it and said they would give 13 per cent to oil-producing areas and the money is divided according to local governments. You see the fraud from the beginning? They created more local governments there (North), then they said they were going to divide (the money) on the basis of local governments. Once they have more local governments, they have more money. And they contribute next to nothing. That is what gave rise to Niger Delta Avengers. That is what is causing marginalisation — Biafra. Even the corruption they are talking about is because of the constitution.

Do you think there is any political will on the part of President Buhari to ensure restructuring?

For instance, talk of the Fulani herdsmen; he aids and abets it. I don’t hide my feelings about it. I’m not deceived by all these cosmetic arrangements that ‘the policeman (Inspector-General of Police) should stay there and arrest them’. Sometimes, I feel really insulted by the way Buhari, the police and the Federal Government are playing on the intelligence of the Nigerian people. He said, ‘I’ve now instructed the IG to go after them’. After who? In December 2016, 800 Christians (were attacked) in Southern Kaduna. The Vice-President (Yemi Osinbajo), who was acting (President) then, told the heads of the police and the army to relocate there. The second day, they were out again. Did he (Osinbajo) utter a word? Before that, (Chief Olu) Falae was kidnapped. His farm was burnt almost thrice. One of the watchmen was killed; not a word from Buhari. Then the killings spread to Agatu (Benue State), Enugu State and all over the country climaxing with the New Year’s Day killing in Benue State. It was when the whole world was condemning it, that he (Buhari) decided it was time for him to talk. And what was the reaction of the Chief Security Officer, the police (IG)? He said, ‘Well, it is the people who blocked their (herdsmen) grazing routes that caused it’. That is the language of the nation’s chief security officer, who is supposed to prevent and punish crime. Then the Minister of Defence said, ‘After all, they are your neighbours’. It is because under the constitution, the state governments are showpieces; they haven’t got anything. They have power without authority. They can have power to pass laws; the instrument of implementing or executing the laws is not in their hands. No commissioner of police obeys the governor; they take their orders from the IGP. This is the position of the constitution and that is what they want to continue.

The debate over state police has been going on for some time….

Let me take this opportunity to tell those people who are talking nonsense about ‘if they give state police, then everybody will use it against their opponents’. Is the Federal Government not using the police against the states that don’t support it? Or does it think we are blind? And anything that is not in the favour of the North, they close their eyes. All these years — let us say before he (Buhari) came into office, for the past three years — there is no part of the country that Fulani herdsmen have not ravaged. There have been kidnappings, rape, etc. This is why I believe Buhari is aiding and abetting the crimes. They have the power. This is my case: if they had arrested or punished people after the Christmas slaughter in Southern Kaduna in December 2016, you think the herdsmen would have the courage to do anything? They are rearing their cattle with AK-47 because they know they have the backing of the authority. Who gave them permission? Are cattle rearers permitted to carry arms? Does the IGP not know that it is unlawful? If it is unlawful, have you arrested anybody? Have you seen the videos? Some of the videos, I can’t watch through. They (herdsmen) kill them (farmers) and then slaughter them like rams. Sometimes, they open the bowels of (pregnant) women and take out their children. For some men and women, they remove their privates, slaughtering them like animals. Is that (cattle) rearing? And all these (atrocities) have been going on for upward of two years under your (Buhari) regime? And what you are now saying is, ‘I asked the IG to go after them’.

They shouldn’t deceive us. So, how many people does Buhari want to be killed before he takes action? Eight hundred here; about 200 in Agatu; some in Enugu, Ondo, Kwara, Yewa (Ogun State), all over the country, pretending nothing is happening. Even so, have you heard any word of sympathy from Buhari to the Benue people? We are not animals. He was elected to take care of us, and I say this: he was doing this deliberately with a plan. His strategy was to have all the security officers in the country loaded in favour of the North, mostly from Katsina. So, if you southerners want to resist, the security forces are in his hands — heads of the army, police, Department of State Services, everything. When he made those appointments then, to which we cried foul, his spokesman said, ‘He’s (Buhari) just starting’. I am only giving you all this background just to say I am not taken in by this cosmetic action. After 73 people have been buried, they say, ‘Well, it is because the people passed the grazing law.’ And the (Benue State) government told you the people who caused this are known. They gave you their names. The man (Governor Samuel Ortom) repeated it every time: ‘Those who come to bother my people here are known. I’ve submitted them to Buhari’. Nothing was done. On top of it all, he (Ortom) had to request to see Buhari. Now, he (Buhari) has gone to Nasarawa, Adamawa, and his own place (Daura, Katsina). He has not deemed it fit to go and sympathise with the people of Benue. That is the President of Nigeria. That is why I say he is just the ‘President of Katsina’. He should be reminded that he is not the President of Katsina; he is the President of Nigeria. What word has he uttered to the people of Benue? Not even to tell them, ‘This is a very serious thing. I’m sorry. It won’t happen again’. After all these years that people have been shouting, he has time to go to Adamawa and other places. It’s not his fault. Particularly for those of us in the West, it is (Asiwaju Bola) Tinubu that put us in this trouble and Tinubu has not learnt his lesson.

Do you think Tinubu may have found himself in a difficult position?

Is that fallout as a result of the centralisation of security?

It’s not fallout; that is one of the evils of the present system! Now, they are talking of state police and devolution of powers. All the things that are under restructuring, they are now admitting one by one.

Including the Vice-President?

Don’t mind that one. I have told him to remember the son of who he is. His father and I were the followers of (Chief Obafemi) Awolowo on federalism. He was born in federalism. And when he was the Attorney General in Lagos, he took Obasanjo to court over local government (allocation) that was depriving Lagos. He won the case up to the Supreme Court. Now, he is the Vice-President. It just reminds me of what (Reuben) Abati (wrote) that there is something wrong; the moment some people get to Aso Rock, there is a juju there that turns the good people among them into the worst devils.

Do you think that when Vice-President Osinbajo noticed that Buhari was not going to do anything about restructuring, he should have resigned?

He should have (resigned). I say that without any hesitation. The Vice-President — I know him from his youth — highly intelligent and highly qualified. A professor who is very sound. He has a job of his own. He is not jobless. Why shouldn’t he resign? He went there with the thought to serve, maybe thinking of the West that, if there are any excesses of the President, he would be able to check it. No! He was brought into wealth and he was silenced because of office. So, the Vice-President has no excuse. Tinubu has no excuse, particularly the Vice-President, who is a professional in his own right. He knows about all these ills. He has fought against them before. All these things are going on and you are seeing it?

Some would compare Buhari’s panel on restructuring to Jonathan’s 2014 National Conference, which was convened just before the 2015 election year.

My dear, that is an excuse. That is what you accused him of. If you now believe that it (implementing restructuring) is right, why don’t you now do it? It was because he (Jonathan) didn’t do the right thing, we voted him out. Why are you emphasising the man we voted out to justify your inaction? They have no clue. The APC (All Progressives Congress) has no clue. All their intention was ‘away with Jonathan’ and I warned those of them doing that. Now, Jonathan is gone o. Well, I’m sorry for people of your generation. People like me have very little to complain about. I can die any moment from now and my children will kill a cow. I am 90. What is the big deal in a 90-year-old man dying? But I’m shouting to the top because I want to go on record that you were warned and that is the fight that Chief Awolowo had been fighting before he left. I want to be satisfied that when I meet him, I can report to him that I didn’t yield an inch. That is why I’m talking. Am I going to become president? Do I want to be governor? Have I asked any one of them to give my children jobs? Have I asked for any subsidy from them? I have nothing to gain but for your generation and I have grandchildren.

The Buhari administration claims it is fighting corruption.

He should be ashamed talking about corruption war now. What he has done on corruption has not been holistic and he has turned a blind eye to those who run the government with him and are deep in corruption – from the  Secretary to the Government of the Federation to all the principal officers around him. Look at the (Abdulrasheed) Maina case. He (Buhari) has not given a reason. That is the man fighting corruption. This man (Maina) was suspended for corruption by the former president (Jonathan). He (Buhari) said, ‘Go back there’. And you’re fighting corruption?

What does this say about the reputation of integrity with which Buhari campaigned for president in 2015 and won?

His integrity is gone. He should know that, except those who are still ‘chopping’ (eating) under his government. All those who thought he had integrity have seen that none of it is there. When a man who has integrity authorises his AGF to go and meet a criminal in a strange land and then reinstates that criminal? It’s a pity!

How do you react to calls for Buhari’s re-election?

Those (calling for his re-election) are people who just want to play to the gallery.

Do you think anyone else can put up much of a fight against Buhari?

Why can’t they? Buhari can’t put himself there. It’s the people because he still believes he can buy salt and rice for you so that you will vote for him. But if you really feel the pinch of what is happening, he shall see. And that is why I say this constitution must be changed before the (2019) elections because all the possibility of rigging is within the electoral law.

I’ll give you an instance to show that Buhari is not serious about bribery and corruption. He cried out aloud before the (2015) elections that he had to borrow money to contest. What has he done about that? What law has he passed to say no political party primary should impose more than so-much on aspirants? Those are the things I am saying. To be a councillor anywhere in Nigeria, you must be a millionaire, first to contest your primary and then to contest the election. Not to mention being a governor or even a senator. Those are the things in this constitution we say must be jettisoned to create a level playing field.

Do you think there is enough integrity in the National Assembly to change that law?

If Buhari has the political will, and we all agree that this constitution is bad and I also answer the question. They say it is because the 2014 conference was not done by them. I say, ‘That is no problem. What are the things done there that you don’t agree with? Remove them. What are the things that you say must be there? Put it there and pass the law and send it to referendum’. They say referendum is not there. But man is not made for the law; the law is made for man. Use the doctrine (of necessity) that made Jonathan the acting President. It’s because there is no political will. But we didn’t make this constitution; why do you want the law we didn’t make to be binding on us. You know your constitution is a fraudulent document? It says, ‘We, the people of the Federal Republic’. Did you make it? Is your constitution federal?

How do you feel about the National Assembly’s attempt to change the timetable of the 2019 general elections so that the presidential election follows that of the National Assembly?

All that is a game within the party. I can’t see Buhari signing that document. They want the presidential election to come first so that it can have a bandwagon effect. Why should it matter which order it comes in?

What effect will Obasanjo’s Coalition for Nigeria Movement have on the elections, if at all?

I believe in the third force, not the CN, particularly (not) anything that Obasanjo has a hand in because Obasanjo is one of those who created this problem for us, although I agree with all he said about Buhari. So, you must distinguish what I’m talking about. I only add that there is nothing he has said that is right now, which I had not said before the (2015) elections. What I will only ask him (Obasanjo) to do now is apologise to Nigerians for misleading them; and those who contributed to the problem can’t be part of solving the problem.

Punch

The political feud between Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje of Kano state, and his predecessor, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, both of the ruling All Progressives Congress, (APC) is not about ending anytime soon. Ganduje in this interview in Abuja, admitted that though there is no permanent friend or foe in politics, he doubts if APC national leader Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who has been saddled with the responsibility of reconciling aggrieved party leaders by President Buhari, will be able reconcile him and Kwankwaso because, according to him, the former Kano governor has frustrated over 17 of similar attempts in the past.

Ganduje who served as Kwankwaso’s deputy for eight years said his former boss set up traps for him to fail including leaving behind a liability of over N300 billion, declaring free education at all levels and foreign scholarships for students that is today costing his government N4 billion, establishing Technical College of Education five days before handing over without  approval from the federal government, or the state House of Assembly, with no infrastructure, no plans for teachers, and equipment, among others. JULIANA TAIWO-OBALONYE reports the details.

You are one of the leaders who called for the removal of indigene issue in the constitution. Why do you think such move is necessary?

Well, in this country we are having a lot of problems; religious, tribal, herdsmen and farmers’ clash, etc. All these have to do with relationships and, of course, the current economic realities. But, the constitution we borrowed from the United States of America should be applied fully even though we are in a different zone and culture. In order to get very serious national integration, the parameters of national indigeneship should not be based on tribe, religion or place of birth, it should be based on where you are staying and what you do. Are you paying your taxes? Are you contributing to the overall development of where you are since you are benefiting from the services there? You are benefiting from the security that is being provided, are you contributing your own quota to the development of that environment? If you are already paying your taxes, I think you are already an indigene of that place, not just because you are the son of the soil, but because you are contributing to the economic development of the state, employing people and doing great and positive things.

In Kano, we are doing our part to ensure that that dichotomy is removed. Because in some states where we have some problems, it is basically because of this indigeneship issue. So, our belief is that to have national integration we should remove indigeneship issue. So, I think it is a constitutional issue, which the national and state assemblies should deal with.

In other words, you are saying that all the people in Kano state are indigenes?

Yes. In Kano, I tell all the ethnic groups that they are indigenes of Kano state only claiming to come from somewhere else.

The Vice President said in Kogi state recently that N1.9 trillion was given to states as support. How much did Kano get? How much did you spend on workers’ welfare?

Of course, we have benefited from all the bailouts from the federal government because the situation we found ourselves when the oil money dropped below $30 a barrel was such that many states couldn’t even pay salaries. We got the bailout and now we are paying salaries on time. We are not owing any salary arrears. The problem we were having initially was an internal one, which has been solved. Some people were being overpaid while others were underpaid maybe due to the fact that something went wrong in the system, but we have already put that in order.

The projects of the previous government you have completed and the ones you have initiated, where did the funds come from? Is it from your internally generated revenue?

When we came, we had to reform the old system. I had to request all the staff of the State Board of Internal Revenue to go back to the Office of the Head of Civil Service. We employed a consultant, advertised, and then we took the best brains, some of them not even from the state. When we took over, we were getting less than N1 billion a month, but because of our reforms and interventions, we now get over N4 billion every month. It is not up to what we are expecting because up till now those that are supposed to be paying tax are yet to be fully captured in our revenue net.

You know some people don’t want to pay tax, so we are deploying a lot of advocacy to capture them on our revenue net. The reason people don’t want to pay taxes is that they assume their money is being embezzled.

Yes, the increase in our IGR made it possible for us to embark on a lot of capital projects. We virtually use what we are getting from Abuja to pay salaries. So, all our capital projects in Kano state are being funded from the revenue generated from taxes and that is why we label each project thus: ‘This project is being funded with taxpayers money.’ This of course is encouraging people to pay taxes.

You said recently that the political history of Kwankwaso cannot be written without you being mentioned and yours too cannot be written without mentioning him. So how come you have refused to bow to him to get the maximum political stability and peace in the state?

Yes, we were very, very close. Even before 1999, we have been friends. I was Commissioner for Works and Transport for six years during the military, and my former governor is a politician right from the military when political parties were formed. I started politics right from 1978, and in 1979 during the NPN period, I even contested election and was even part of the executive members of the party in the state. So, politics is not something I am just starting now.

So, we contested together for governorship in 1999 and the result was controversial. Prince Tony Momoh was in Kano to supervise the primaries, the result was controversial; the elders reconciled us that he should be governor and I should be the deputy governor. I insisted that there should be re-election, but elders pleaded and I agreed to be the deputy governor. Tony Momoh is still alive, you can ask him.

And since I became the deputy governor I had to do it well. I had to be loyal, respectful and honest. So, I worked hard to add value to the government by supporting the governor not only by being loyal to him but working very hard to fill the gaps, promote the government and work round the clock to ensure when he is not around there is no difference. That is how we worked together. Even when he was a minister, I was with him. I was on my own when he invited me to come and be his adviser when he was Minister of Defence. I agreed because after all, we have been together, and he felt we could work together.

When we won the elections in 2011, he graciously invited me, it was not as a result of any contest between us, but out of his own volition. I have to thank him for that because he could have invited someone else.

So, we worked together peacefully. When I was nominated and after I won the elections in 2015, before handing over, I started seeing some elements of undercuts from his body language.

He didn’t attend my swearing-in, he just handed over and left for Abuja because he claimed he had something to do. I said okay and went for the swearing-in. A night before he left, I went to him and I said during my campaign,  I said that my administration will be a government of continuity. I told him that I want to retain the Secretary to the State Government. The SSG did not know, I was the one that told him. I told him that I want to retain the Accountant General. The DG Media is his friend, I told him I want to retain him, and I later made him a Permanent Secretary. The Press Secretary, I told him I want to retain him, so he phoned and told him. And then the four administrative staff in the office, I asked him ‘will you like to take some’, he said he was taking only one, the remaining three are still in my office. So, that was a symbol of continuity.

Then it came to the appointment of commissioners and, of course, from his body language I had started seeing some elements of disagreements. So, I didn’t get his opinion on the appointment of the commissioners because I thought that was not even necessary because the commissioners are not as strong in government as SSG and the Accountant General. So, I thought it was something I could do. Even at that, my Commissioner for Agriculture now was also his Commissioner for Agriculture, we are still together; the Commissioner for Local Government is a younger brother to his wife, he was chairman of local government during his time; the Commissioner for Water Resources was an adviser in his government; the Commissioner for Finance was also Commissioner for Finance in his government.

Like I said, I started seeing some elements of undercuts from his body language, and then he started attacking my administration. First, even before handing-over, he said he has paid all the contractors in Kano, but the contractors went to radio stations and said he was telling lies. You could see that he was trying to heat up the system even before handing-over.

Some months before he left, he declared free education at all levels knowing well that it was clearly impossible. When he said free education, the Vice Chancellor of Bayero University said okay, the highest number of students in the university, ‘this is the figure please give us the money because since you declared free education what it means is that they will not pay single kobo.’ He said the VC should divide the figure into four that he will pay and the VC said no, ‘our budget is not based on that.’ Students in other universities were paying, and yet he said it was free education.

And also, few weeks before he left, he was sending students in thousands abroad; some studying chemistry, geography, biology, engineering, medicine. And you know how much it is costing us so far because of the fall of the naira, he paid N4 billion on foreign scholarships. When we calculated, each foreign student will get N68,000 per month. It was a huge expenses considering our challenges occasioned by the drop in the prices of oil at the international market. In fact, some state governments returned their students from foreign universities because they couldn’t cope, but I didn’t return anybody. I’m still paying with tears.

Again, he took pension money and built houses that up till now we are finding it very difficult to dispose off. We put N4.1 billion from the pension fund and the liability we have on the houses is over N3 billion. So, even if we sell the houses, we have to pay contractors. So, what I am trying to say is that even before handing-over, he was setting up some traps so that the government will be a failure. He even went to my senatorial district five days before my taking over and said he was establishing a Technical College of Education in one of the local governments. How can you establish a school like that without approval from the federal government, without any legislation from the State House of Assembly, without any infrastructure, no plans for teachers, no plans for equipment? He did this so that when I come, I will find problem on ground.

After he left, I told the people that it was a story-telling because there is nothing on ground to establish a college of education. What I discovered later is that we have a Federal College of Education (Technical). The Provost told me that Kwankwaso told him he wanted to establish a college of education and he told him not to because we are not even filling our quota in the federal college.

I held a press conference and I said leaving a liability is not a crime. This government is a government of continuity and I will continue to forge ahead. But he was still pained that the Transition Committee said he left a liability of over N300 billion, but that was the fact. So, you find all these kinds of things, which I didn’t want to bring to the open until he decided to attack me.

He even wrote in the letter that receiving loan from the federal government was not part of the Kwankwasiya policy. So I started to wonder, what is Kwankwasiya policy? Because I was the first person to put the Kwankwasiya structure on ground. He started using some members of Kano State House of Assembly against me, but God so kind, out of the 40 members, 35 of them are with us. Even at the federal level, most of the lawmakers are with us.

The crux of the matter is that he wants to be remote-controlling me. How can I be remote-controlled by somebody outside the government? I was a civil servant at the state level after graduation and I got to level 17 at the federal level. I have been in politics for years. I was secretary to our party in my local government, assistant secretary of our party at the state level, commissioner for six years and deputy governor for eight years. For goodness sake, if you are talking about government, I should know what it is about.

Are there efforts in place to find peace between you and Kwankwaso because what is happening in Kano has the capacity to distract APC government at the national level?

Reconciliation is very important. First of all, the National Working Committee of our party and some stakeholders were invited to look into our matter. I was there and I made my case, he too made his case and then they said, ‘go inside the room and sort out yourselves.’ We met in this very house (Kano State Governor’s Lodge, Asokoro, Abuja) and elders said we should go and sort out ourselves, he said he was not going. He banged the door and left, saying he was not a small boy.

The stakeholders asked what next? I said ‘don’t go after him. When you people said we should go into the room and sort out ourselves, I told you people I was ready to go and reconcile with him.’ And what was the issue? The bone of contention was that the chairman of the party in the state was dishonest. We caught him red-handed. He told somebody to go to a radio station and blackmail the government not knowing that the person was recording him. And then the person went to the radio station and did what he was asked to do.

Then somebody went to the chairman and said he should call the man to order because of what he said about the government and the governor. So, the chairman issued a statement just on the face value. And people called him and told him that what he said in the statement was not enough. So, the other person who abused me turned around and said, it was the chairman that asked him to abuse me and he released the recording.

The chairman then came with the speaker of the State House of Assembly and some elders and brought the Holy Qur’an and said to me, ‘I swear to God, I never did that.’ And I said go and put it in writing but up till today he never did that. Then I said go and continue with your job. Then Kwankwaso said that they wanted to condole with me, I asked him how many of them were coming and he said only him. I said when you are coming let me know so that I can send my chief detail to receive you, he said I shouldn’t worry. Meanwhile, chairman of the local government told me that they got a text message that the former governor was coming and they should all come to the airport. They invited all sorts of people, they came to the airport and even broke some equipment there. Right from the airport to my village, they were abusing me; that I lost election, that I was not in the Kwankwasiya group. They did that to the extent that even when they were supposed to offer prayers, they were shouting.

I think that was the last straw that broke the carmel’s back. When he did that, the party said ‘no, no, no, this is wrong.’ Then the party’s executive council convened and had a press conference that they would investigate how people were abusing instead of condoling with me.

Stakeholders at the second meeting the following day asked the chairman to go and refute the statement that the party would investigate the incident. The SSG that I inherited from Kwankwaso held a meeting in his house and told the chairman to go and refute it, and the chairman refuted it; that he was under duress.

Then the party passed a vote of no confidence on him. So, the former governor insisted that the man should continue to be the chairman. How can a senator control the party at the state level? If I was an amateur politician, it will be possible. But not with a man of my caliber and the stage I am in politics. To be frank, when I started politics he was in school and when he went into politics I sponsored him in many contests.

There was a time some governors tried to reconcile us. They said he should come to Malam Aminu Kano House in Abuja, he said he was not coming. I said don’t worry, that is not a problem, let’s go to him. We met him, and had a very lengthy discussion. We even shook hands, and yet there was no reconciliation. He was always abusing me.

And then one senator came and said he wanted to reconcile us, I said I have been counting the number of attempts people have made to reconcile us, about 17 times, but to no avail. And then he said what role can he play and I said yes, there is a role you could play now. Go and tell him that it is even shameful for a third party to try and reconcile us, why not the two of us sit down together and iron things out.

I said whenever I am in Abuja, we will go to his house, myself and himself will drive in a car either he drives or I drive because when I was a director we used to drive around Abuja together. So I said tell him that when I come to Abuja, I will take him then two of us will go around Abuja, seat and discuss and iron out our problems.

Or he will come to my house and when the sycophants around us see us drive together, they will leave us. Believe you me, he said no that he was not coming to my house. That man is still a senator. He said no, we are no longer friends and then I said well, good luck.

All efforts for us to reconcile failed, and unfortunately, the problem has gotten to the local level. I did all what I could to reconcile us, but he refused. What kind of a person is he? He wants to control the government from Abuja. But till today I respect him.

Are you still open for reconciliation?

Yes, it is possible, but the state will not be in his palms. He cannot impose his will on us. We recently conducted local government elections in the state, he went to court to stop the election, but we defeated him. He took us to a court here in Abuja to stop us, but up till now the case is on, and the court did not stop us from conducting the election. But still there is no permanent friend or permanent enemy. We will reconcile, but he has to agree to some terms.

President Muhammadu Buhari has appointed an APC stalwart, Ahmed Bola Tinubu, to reconcile all aggrieved members of the party. Can Tinubu reconcile you and your predecessor?

If you read the newspapers (Wednesday), my predecessor was in Anambra State campaigning to be president on the platform of the APC. I told someone if you reconcile us now, don’t you think we shall fall apart again? Because I am for Buhari. Kano state has a total of 342 delegates. We have the highest number of delegates in Nigeria in APC. No state has up to 300 delegates, and I can assure you if Kwankwaso contests against Buhari in APC, he will get zero vote from Kano. We are waiting for Tinubu, he is a highly respected person. We are ready for dialogue and reconciliation.

Don’t you think that this crisis with your predecessor will affect your chances in the 2019 elections?

On 2019 elections, that is left to God. But personally, I wouldn’t mind for him to join another party, back a candidate that will contest against me. And if the constitution allows, I would even invite him to come and contest against me on a different platform to test his popularity. Politics is like that.

Why do you still retain one of the key elements of the Kwankwasiya ideology, the red cap?

It is not as red as it used to be, it is now modified. This red cap you are seeing is not that of Kwankwaso. So, that is the situation we are now. We have tried all we could to reconcile, but our efforts didn’t yield fruitful results. And you know, I cannot waste my time on crisis.

Sun

Former National Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Dr Ahmadu Ali, has provided fresh insights into the intrigues that led to the emergence of Dr Goodluck Jonathan as the presidential running mate to the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, at the party’s convention on December 16, 2006.

Ali, a retired Army Colonel, three-time Senator, medical doctor, former Federal Commissioner of Education in the seventies and PDP National Chairman between 2005 and 2007, also made revelations on several issues, including how Jonathan preferred being Governor of Bayelsa State to being Vice President of Nigeria when he (Jonathan) was offered the job.

Titled, “The many colours of a rainbow: A biography of Senator Amadu Adah Ali” and written by Gideon S. Tseja, a copy of which Ali personally gave THISDAY at the weekend, the former PDP Chairman also provided details of why Yar’Adua got the nod to succeed Obasanjo in 2007.

“Amongst all the PDP governors who wanted to contest for president, he (Yar’Adua) was the only one on whom the EFCC could not find any evidence of corruption or misappropriation of funds. He left over N6 billion for his successor in the state coffers while other governors left virtually nothing. He was reluctant to contest for president.”

Although written by a third party, the recollections are that of Ali who stated in his preface dated August 22, 2016, that the effort took more than 30 years. “I started jotting down episodes in the merging story of my life since 1983 when the military coup d’etat of that year terminated the life of the civilian regime and the senators, amongst whom I was one, were unceremoniously booted out of office.”

Because of his hectic schedule, Ali said he could not bring himself into writing an autobiography until in 2008 when he finally decided to invite a university don, Gideon S. Tseja, “to assist me in writing my biography.”

With Ali as PDP Chairman in 2006, the book captures what followed after the nomination of Yar’Adua as the party’s presidential flag-bearer. According to the author, Yar’Adua was summoned to the basement of Eagle Square where Obasanjo, Ali and Anenih were waiting. This was what followed, going by the recollections in the book:

Even before the final results of the primaries were tallied, it was clear to the party leaders that Yar’Adua was going to win hands down. They—President Obasanjo, Chairman, BOT, Chief Anenih and the National Chairman, Dr Amadu Ali—decided to shift their attention to the nomination of a running mate on the PDP ticket, the man who would be vice president if Yar’Adua won the presidency.

“Congratulations”, the chairman began unceremoniously. “It is a well-deserved victory, and the party will give you all the support you need to win the presidential election.” He (Ali) paused for a moment as the president and the others also gave Yar’Adua their congratulations. “Peter Odili will be your running mate. He came third in our search for a presidential candidate. Governor Ahmed Makarfi came second in our score. For equity, the running mate had to come from the south.”

There was silence as everybody waited for Yar’Adua to react. Finally, looking away and avoiding the eyes of the chairman, he mumbled with his characteristic shy demeanour, “Thank you sir, but I would request…”

“You request what? The party produced you and the party will also produce the VP!” thundered the chairman.

“Let us try to give him time”, Obasanjo tried to intervene.

“We don’t have time sir. We need to move fast. You can never tell what mischief is being planned right now. Did you see any of the governors towards the end of the election at the Square?” It was true that the governors had mysteriously disappeared when Yar’Adua’s victory became a certainty.

He (Ali) turned to Yar’Adua and continued his instructions to him. “Go and write your acceptance speech. Say something like this: ‘I would like to inform you that after due consideration and consultation with the party, I have selected Peter Odili, the executive governor of Rivers State, to run with me on the same ticket’. I want a copy of the speech and make sure Peter Odili’s name is on it!”

Yar’Adua went away and came back with the speech as directed indicating that Peter Odili would be his running mate, but it was clear that he was not happy. Pressure was brought to bear on the president to intervene and allow Yar’Adua to choose a VP he felt he could work with.

“Amadu”, said Chief Obasanjo, “don’t be too harsh on the young man. Let’s give him twenty four hours…”

“Twenty four hours! But…” the chairman was going to argue.

“I know what you mean”, Obasanjo cut him off, “but let us give him twenty four hours.”

It had been a long day. Tired and hungry the chairman went home dreaming of eating something, taking a long drink and flipping into bed to catch some rest. This was about 1.00PM on the day of the convention.

Meanwhile, unknown to the president, PDP governors were holding a secret meeting of their own to influence the choice of VP candidate. Clearly, they were not in favour of Peter Odili which the party leadership was contemplating. Even before Ali could digest this information (provided by his wife), he got a frantic call from Obasanjo. He, too, had got some information about the governors’ plot.

“Amadu, come quick!”

“But you know we have just…”

“Come, please and don’t argue. Quick, quick!”

The dream about taking some rest evaporated as Ali doubled back to meet the president at the Aso Rock Villa.

He (Obasanjo) told the Senator about the governors’ meeting. “We must act quickly or the governors will hijack this thing. Anenih is on his way and I have already summoned Yar’Adua. If he hasn’t thought of a running mate, then we must impose one on him.”

This had been the senator’s position exactly, all along.

As soon as Yar’Adua arrived, the president told him without any preamble, “Now, name your running mate, now, now. We don’t have twenty four hours.”

“Goodluck Jonathan,” he said without hesitation. He had obviously thought about it or tutored to mention the name. Immediately, Jonathan was sent for.

When Jonathan arrived a little later, the president said, “We have summoned you here to offer to you the position of Vice President. What do you think?’

Jonathan was stunned. He was obviously not expecting this and had not remotely considered the possibility. He opened his mouth as if to say something but nothing came out.

The president seeing his discomfiture added helpfully, “This decision was taken after a long process. We just want to know what your opinion is.”

Finally, Jonathan found voice, although he was disconcerted by this development.

“Well”, he began tentatively, “If I had a choice, I would prefer to remain as governor. I know the job. I know where I stopped. But this VP…I don’t know what it entails.” After a look of disapproval from the chairman and the president, he added quickly, “but if you want me to serve in that position, I accept.”

YarAdua turned to Jonathan and asked him, “Would you like to be my running mate?”

“Yes sir.”

President Obasanjo turned to the Chairman and said, “Amadu, take him to my parlour. The television crew are on their way for a press conference. You and Chief Anenih should stand on either side of him and let him announce the name of his running mate.”

The governors were still at their meeting scheming how to influence the choice of vice president when Yar’Adua announced his running mate to the public in the foyer of the presidential villa. The announcement was carried Live on NTA and other networks. This put paid to the PDP governors’ plot to nominate a vice presidential candidate.

In a chat with THISDAY, Ali said this would be the first part of his story as he intends to write another one by himself. But the current book also details his life and career. Some of the issues dealt with in the book include the 1966 and 1975 military coups, Ali’s role in the creation of Kogi State, the ‘Ali Must Go’ saga, the General Sani Abacha coup in November 1993 at a period he was in the Senate, Obasanjo’s ‘third term’ bid and the defeat of Jonathan at the 2015 presidential election.

Thisday

The Transparency International verdict corresponds largely with the perception of many Nigerians

Since we were almost certain that the anti-corruption outing of this administration was bound to unravel under the weight of its numerous contradictions, the result of the latest Transparency International (TI) Corruption Perception Index came as no surprise to us. There was no ‘war’ going on because wars have underlying doctrines which inform battle plans. It was not even a campaign, either in a political or PR sense because campaigns aim to carry a mass audience along. More distressingly, it had no foundation in public morality or ethical good governance. All that some officials have been waving is the tattered flag of the integrity of President Muhammadu Buhari.

According to the latest Transparency International report on corruption perception index, Nigeria ranked 148 out of 180 countries assessed in 2017. Meanwhile, in 2016, Nigeria ranked 136th. Within the continent, Nigeria was ranked 32nd out of the 52 assessed countries in 2017. Yet, Prof Itse Sagay and other officials can continue to deceive themselves rationalising what the TI report means.

To worsen matters, the president has allowed the high authority of his office to be invoked in seeming protection of high state officials like the lingering cases of the recalls of former Chairman of the Presidential Task Force on Pension Reforms, Mr. Abdulrasheed Maina and the head of the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS), Prof Yusuf Usman; not to mention the questionable appointment of the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) head. The treatment of these cases violates all known rules of due process and respect for basic public decency and accountability. With this administration, no one can say with certainty whether nepotism and clannish nativism in federal appointments qualify as evidence of corruption.

What is, however, never in doubt is that for targets, this ‘war’ has repeatedly homed in mostly on former appointees of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Curiously, some of the former leading lights of the PDP who happen to be the arrowheads of the Buhari ascendancy have been immune from the investigative searchlight of both the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB). With such a hazy definition of target, the administration committed an unpardonable political hubris and travesty of natural justice in its declaration of war on corruption.

Admittedly, the PDP administration under President Goodluck Jonathan was an untidy mixed bag of good men and women overwhelmed by gangsters and a mob ethic. But it was not the exclusive club of corrupt elements as recent experience with the All Progressives Congress (APC) government of Buhari has shown. Therefore, the TI verdict is no rude shock. In fact, what should worry the incumbent government is the reality that the verdict by TI corresponds largely with the dominant perception of informed Nigerians.

The drama and media showmanship that Nigerians have witnessed in the name of fighting graft, especially by the EFCC will worsen corruption in the future. It has taught corrupt people new ways to evade the radar. All you need to do is join the ruling party and all sins are forgiven, if not forgotten. Yet, selective application of targets in the fight against corruption is in itself corruption. Using corruption to fight corruption may be Nigeria’s contribution to the global anti-graft crusade. But so far, it does not seem to be a workable proposition. Private sector and institutional corruption remain intact. Not to talk of the sociological- ‘way of life’- corruption in our daily lives.

The summary of the foregoing is stark: the anti-corruption war was not thought through. It was just a knee-jerk and populist gambit that will remain the butt of jokes long after Buhari may have left office.

Thisday