More signs of the troubles within Nigeria’s ruling party, APC, emerged on Monday as a minister of the federal government accused an APC governor of mismanagement, corruption and deceit.

The party is faced with separate crises in many states, including the ones it governs.

On Monday, the Minister of Youth and Sports Development, Solomon Dalung, accused the Plateau State Government of mismanaging over $2 billion loan collected.

According to the minister, the APC administration in Plateau was not prudent in managing resources.

“Where is the $2 billion loan collected from African Development Bank for potatoes processing factory payable in 25 years? Where is the factory located? Or where is the money kept and whose account? Why did the state government keep the issue of the loan secret?” the minister said in a statement he personally signed in response to an attack on him by the APC chairman in the state.

Mr. Dalung was not done. He also accused the state government of mismanaging local government (LG) funds.

“What is happening to LG funds? What is happening to 5 per cent meant for the traditional council?”

The minister also accused the Governor Simon Lalong administration of lying about the security situation in the state; and of deceiving President Muhammadu Buhari.

”And if peace has returned to Plateau, why was the LG elections suspended because of security concerns? Is it not true that Governor Jang constructed all the roads in Jos and Bukuru metropolis except for state low cost -Dong road? You were present when former President Goodluck commissioned Federal Secretariat bridge, why did Governor Lalong mislead the president to recommission it again?” he said.

REASONS FOR OUTBURST

President Buhari was in Plateau State last Thursday as part of his visit to violence-ravaged states.

Scores of people have been killed in ethnic-related violence in Plateau, mainly between nomadic herdsmen and farming communities. Over a dozen people were killed in the state even on the days the president visited.

A day after the president’s visit, the minister accused Governor Lalong of side-lining him from the visit. He said he was not officially informed of the visit by the state government, despite being a minister from the state; and that even when he attended a reception organised for the president, he was not allowed to speak. He also accused the governor of playing to the gallery by renaming a road, formerly named after a former military ruler, after Mr. Buhari.

“Another disaster of the president’s visit was the renaming of Yakubu Gowon way to Muhammadu Buhari way. To say the least, it is embarrassing,” the minister said in an interview he posted on his Facebook page.

“Gowon was the president’s boss, how can he be stripped of a 40-year privilege and honour in his home state? This is the worst thing that can happen to a man like the elder statesman. I believe that General Gowon is feeling betrayed and abandoned by his own people.”

In response to the minster’s outburst, the APC chairman in Plateau, Latep Dabang, criticised the minister, allegedly describing him as a lunatic.

The chairman, who spoke in an interview with ViewPointNigeria on Saturday, accused the minister of working against the party in the state.

In his response on Monday, the minister thanked Mr. Dabang “for speaking your minds even though uninformed about the facts.”

“Let me appreciate the chairman of my party, Latep Dabang, for referring to me as a mad man. Of course he is free to his opinions but certainly not correct too.”

“I am of a sound mind because mad people do not possess capacities to raise weighty issues.”

According to Mr. Dalung, the APC chairman was frustrated.

“I can understand the problems confronting my friend and brother, Latep Dabang. His mentor has left the party, so things are falling apart, the centre can no longer hold.”

Taking a swipe at Governor Lalong, Mr. Dalung said the governor ”never heed to his (Dalung) wise counsel”.

“For Governor Lalong, I honestly have respect for him because he is my leader. I have given him series of advice and will continue to do even though he has not taken any,” he said.

He said he was not ”eyeing Mr. Lalong’s office in the 2019 governorship elections”.

“The Governor should realise where we are coming from and save the state from further drifting into chaos. I have been quite supportive to the governor and his administration despite his repeated turning down of advice. I am concerned about the state and do not have any political ambition.”

APCs MANY CRISES

The conflict between an APC minister and a government controlled by the party is not unique to the state.

PREMIUM TIMES reported how the Oyo State governor, Abiola Ajimobi, boycotted a presidential campaign programme  organised his state by the Minister of Communications, Adebayo Shittu.  Mr. Shittu is also from Oyo and plans to succeed Mr. Ajimobi, who rounds off his second term next year.

The APC is also facing major crises in other states like Kogi, Kaduna, Ogun and Kano where APC governors are locked in battle with APC senators.

President Buhari has since set up a committee headed by ex-Lagos Governor, Bola Tinubu, to resolve many of the crises. There are, however, doubts if the Tinubu-committee can resolve the various disputes.

The lingering crisis within the Oyo State chapter of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) took another dimension on Monday when a former governor of the State and one of the leaders of the party, Senator Rasidi Adewolu Ladoja announced his plan to leave the party due to what he called perceived impunity rearing its head again in the party.

DAILY POST gathered that to underscore the seriousness attached to the move, a committee has been set up to shop for an alternative party by the Ladoja group as the 2019 election gathers momentum.

It will be recalled that about three weeks ago, the crisis in the party reared its ugly head following moves by the national secretariat to divide the state executive into two with Ladoja group given 14 slots of the state executive and 12 slots to a group loyal to one of the governorship aspirants, Engineer Seyi Makinde in the 26-member state executive.

But Ladoja while speaking on a live radio programme on Splash F.M, Ibadan, monitored by DAILY POST on Monday said he was miffed that the impunity which drove him away from the PDP in 2010 and which he was promised was over had surfaced again.

He also used the occasion to reaffirm his decision not to contest the governorship election again in the state, stressing that his preoccupation was how to install a people’s government in the state in 2019.

Ladoja stressed that he had no axe to grind with one of the governorship aspirants in the party, Engineer Seyi Makinde, declaring that a father-son relationship still subsists between them as well as other guber aspirants in the party.

He said “There was only one state congress held as far as I am concerned and Alhaji Kunmi Mustapha emerged as the chairman. The issue of the state executive being shared 14 and 12 does not even arise at all. There is and there will be nothing like that.

“It was impunity that drove us from the PDP and if they allow the impunity to return, we will leave the party for them. We brought Accord less than four months to the 2011 elections and the people of the state accepted the party.

“Wherever there is impunity, you will not find me there. How will some people think of going to Abuja to ask them to help to substitute names of their preferred candidates in the list of duly elected officers? It is very wrong and we will not accept that” .

On the judgment nullifying the coronation of 21 new obas by Governor Abiola Ajimobi last year, Ladoja said the court made a declarative judgment which must be complied with, irrespective of the appeal filled by the defendants.

“By the judgment, these people should cease to call themselves oba and should not be wearing their so-called crown or coronet. There was a picture of one of them sent to me from Kano State that he wore the coronets.

“I will ask my lawyer to call the attention of the court to the flouting of its judgment. They are acting in contempt of court. The governor, my aburo should have called them to order and ask them to desist from illegality. They can wear the coronet in their houses, after all they can be kings of their houses, but outside their homes.

“The court gave a declarative judgment which means that irrespective of the appeal filed by them, the judgment subsists until set aside by a court of higher jurisdiction. The court said the retired Justice Akintunde Boade-led Commission of Inquiry is unknown to law and does not exist. These so-called obas too do not exist in the eyes of the law. That judgment still stands”, he said.

Ladoja reiterated that he had nothing personal against Governor Ajimobi whom he repeatedly called his brother, adding that he opposed his policies which he considered anti-people.

 

DailyPost 

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has urged the National Assembly and other stakeholders to expedite action on the bill to establish the National Electoral Offences Commission/Tribunal ahead of the 2019 general elections.

The Commission also disclosed that it recorded 1,080 cases of electoral offences during the 2015 general elections and subsequent bye-elections.

INEC chairman, Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, stated these in a memorandum he submitted to the Senate joint committee on INEC and the Judiciary on Monday.

He said 124 of the cases were filed and 60 convictions secured in various courts across the country.

Yakubu expressed dismay that reports of the Electoral Reform Committee (the Uwais Report) of 2008 and the Post-election Violence (Lemu Report) 2011 have been left to gather dusts on the shelves.

He said the two reports recommended the establishment of the Electoral Offences Commission/Tribunal to address all forms of electoral violence and impunity that had continued to undermine the stability of the nation’s democracy.

Yakubu lamented the fact that though INEC has the powers to prosecute, it lacks the powers to effect the arrest of electoral offenders.

This, he said has continued to hamper effective prosecution of electoral offenders.

Yakubu said: “While the Uwais Report was transmitted by the executive to the National Assembly in 2010, the White Paper on recommendations of the Lemu Report directed the Office of the Attorney General of the Federation and Minster of Justice to take steps towards the establishment of the Electoral Offences Tribunal.

“Nearly a decade later, there has been no legislative action on these aspects of the recommendations of the Uwais and Lemu reports, making the present effort by the Senate and the concurrent effort by the House of Representatives a welcome development.

“The failure to systematically and consistently enforce sanctions has encouraged impunity and the violence that often characterised electoral contest in Nigeria, thereby subverting the will of the people and undermining the nation’s electoral democracy.

 “At present, INEC is saddled with the responsibility of prosecuting electoral offender. Section 150(1) and (2) of the Electoral Act 2010 (as amended) empowered INEC to prosecute electoral offenders through its legal officers or any legal practitioner appointed by it without the powers to arrest and investigate thus depending on the police for this purpose.

“Without the capacity to make arrest and investigate violations, the prosecutorial role is severely hampered. INEC cannot effectively focus on this role given its other variegated responsibilities under the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) and the Electoral Act 2010 (as amended).”

The Nation

Hubert de Givenchy, founder of the eponymous French fashion house, has died, his family announced today via French news agency AFP.

The esteemed fashion giant passed away on Saturday at the age of 91.

In an impressive career that spanned more than five decades, Givenchy was renowned for dressing the likes of Jackie Kennedy, the Duchess of Windsor and Audrey Hepburn, his long-time muse.

“His are the only clothes in which I am myself. He is far more than a couturier, he is a creator of personality,” Hepburn was quoted as saying of the legendary designer.

After founding la maison Givenchy in 1952, the late fashion designer sold his label to LVMH in 1988 and remained involved as head of creative design until his retirement in 1995.

Renowned for his aristocratic aesthetic, Givenchy was loved by some of Hollywood’s most prominent starlets in the 20th century, with everyone from Elizabeth Taylor to Grace Kelly singing his sartorial praises.

A number of lauded fashion figures have taken the reigns since his retirement, including John Galliano, Alexander McQueen and Riccardo Tisci, who recently accepted the creative director post at Burberry.

The French fashion house is now headed up by Clare Waight Keller, who is the label’s first female artistic director having previously been creative director at Chloé.

Independent

Greece’s Superleague has been suspended indefinitely and the country threatened to be banned from world football as the government scrambled to contain fallout from the extraordinary scenes witnessed on Sunday when the gun-toting oligarch owner of Paok Salonika stormed on to the pitch in a fit of fury to challenge a goal.

Athens’ leftist-led administration, facing widespread criticism of the lawlessness into which the country’s league has sunk, announced that all top-flight games would be brought to an immediate halt. “We have decided to suspend the championship indefinitely,” the deputy sports minister Giorgos Vassiliadis told reporters after holding emergency two-hour talks with the prime minister, Alexis Tsipras.
“The most important thing is that rules apply to everyone. We are in communication with Uefa and the championship will not resume unless there is a new and clear framework, agreed by all, to move forward with rules and regulations.”

Speaking hours after the announcement of an arrest warrant for Paok’s proprietor, Ivan Savvidis, the politician insisted the government would not renege on its decision whatever the “political cost”.

“We are not going back, we will continue the fight for transparency and a better football,” he said.

Fifa said that Greece could be suspended from world football if its national governing body fails to take “proper actions by the competent bodies to eradicate all sorts of violence in order to guarantee the smooth running of the national competitions”.

The silver-haired Savvidis twice charged on to the field, holstered handgun clearly visible, during the derby against AEK Athens. In the 89thminute when the referee, Giorgos Kominos, appeared to signal a goal for Paok but then disallowed it for offside, the oligarch lost his cool storming on to the pitch, bodyguards desperately trying to stop him, to confront Kominos. The oligarch – one of Greece’s most controversial figures – is believed to have then threatened the referee saying: “You’re over.”

Up until then, the game had been goalless. In the ensuing tumult AEK’s players walked off the pitch, citing security concerns, and the match was abandoned.

The incident has been acutely embarrassing for Tsipras. His government not only pledged three years ago, when it came to power, to crack down on tycoons and their notorious sway over the Greek economy but has repeatedly vowed to clean up professional leagues, like much of Greek football scarred by hooliganism and spectator violence. To make matters worse Savvidis, born in Georgia of Greek heritage and reputed to be one of Russia’s wealthiest men, has close ties to politicians that have helped him not only infiltrate football but facilitate acquisition of assets ranging from the strategic port of Thessaloniki, in the country’s north, to tobacco and media companies.

A former member of the Russian parliament, Savvidis is also said to be close to president Vladimir Putin. His ever-extending reach in Greece has been cause for growing alarm among western diplomats in Athens.

The government’s decision to act with such alacrity was directly linked to the fierce criticism it has faced in the wake of the incident. Commentators likened the oligarch’s behavior to the slow descent of Greece into “a post-Soviet democracy” under the leftists who, increasingly, have come under fire for tactics perceived to have eviscerated the rule of law.

By late Monday Savvidis was still being sought by police. A statement on Paok’s website said: “Ivan Savvidis is preparing to take all necessary steps to protect the club and all his executors and associates from the threats and attacks they are suffering.”

The tycoon’s press office announced that he was licensed to carry a gun. Under current Greek legislation, however, police are not allowed to enter soccer stadiums with firearms.

The Guardian

President Muhamamdu Buhari on Monday said the desire of the Federal Government was to have schoolgirls abducted by Boko Haram from Chibok and Dapchi back alive.

He said that was why his administration chose negotiation, rather than military option, to secure their release.

Adesina quoted the President as saying that Nigeria was working in concert with international organisations and negotiators to ensure that the girls were released unharmed by their captors.

“We are trying to be careful. It is better to get our daughters back alive,” the President said.

Buhari thanked the US for assistance rendered in the fight against insurgency, noting that Nigerian forces are good, “but need assistance in the areas of training and equipment.”

The President promised that his administration would continue to do its best to secure the country, adding that he would be in Yobe State, from where Dapchi schoolgirls were abducted, later this week “as part of my condolence and sympathy visits to areas where we have had unfortunate events.”

Punch

Usman Zakari, a witness in the ongoing trial of a former minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Olajumoke Akinjide, on Friday told Justice Muslim Hassan of the Federal High Court sitting in Ikoyi, Lagos, how Ms. Akinjide and others received N650 million in the build-up to the 2015 general election.

Ms. Akinjide alongside Ayo Adeseun and a Peoples Democratic (PDP) stalwart, Olanrewaju Otiti, were re-arraigned on January 16 on an amended 24-count charge bordering on money laundering to the tune of N650 million.

They were alleged to have received the money from a former Minister of Petroleum Resources, Diezani Alison-Madueke, in the build-up to the 2015 general election.

The money was part of the $115 million allegedly disbursed by Mrs. Alison- Madueke to influence the outcome of the 2015 presidential election.

In his testimony at Friday’s sitting, Mr. Zakari, who is an investigator with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) told the court how the commission had received what he described as “classified category A intelligence report’’ against the defendants in a case of money laundering to the tune of N650m late 2014.

He further told the court that there was a meeting, sometime in 2015, at the residence of Mrs. Alison-Madueke, in which the managing director of a new generation bank and some oil marketers were in attendance.

Mr. Zakari also told the court that it was during the meeting that Mrs. Alison-Madueke informed the bank chief that some oil marketers and other individuals would lodge some foreign currencies in his bank on her behalf.

“Upon receipt of the intelligence report against the defendants, information was sent to the Special Taskforce Team 4, where I head, for analysis and further investigation.

“We then sent letters of investigation activities and letters of invitation to the banks and People’s Democratic Party (PDP) Secretariat in Oyo State.

“The letters of invitation was also extended to the defendants,” he added.

Led in evidence by the prosecution counsel, Rotimi Oyedepo, the witness also told the court that in the course of investigations, it was discovered that Allison-Madueke, three oil marketers and some individuals held a meeting on December 2014, adding that “after the meeting, Alison-Madueke told the bank executive that three oil companies would pay some dollars to his bank.

“The companies are: Acuts Intergrated Limited, which paid $17.8m; Northern Belt Oil/Gas Company, which paid $60m; Med-western Oil Services Limited, which paid $9.5m dollars and one A. Williams, who paid $1.8m.”

The witness said his findings showed that three oil marketers and individuals paid $89 million, while the aides to Alison-Madueke made available $25 million in suite cases, totalling $115 million, which he said were housed in the bank.

“Alison-Madueke, on March 26, 2015, ordered the bank to convert the said $115 million, which was equivalent to N23 billion – the bank complied.

“After the conversion, she directed the bank to pay the sum of N650 million to the 1st and 2nd defendant and one Yinka Taiwo through her son, Ogbonna Madueke.

“Findings revealed that the first and second defendants and one Yinka Taiwo went to one of the bank branches in Oyo and signed the receipt for the payment of N650 million. They took the money to the residence of the 1st defendant and made the payment of N650 million, without following any financial institution,” he added.

The defence team led by Bolaji Ayorinde, objected to the evidence of the witness on the grounds that he did not attend the meeting between Mrs. Alison-Madueke, oil marketers and the individuals.

They told the court that the evidence of the witness did not relate to the charge against the defendants, adding that it was unconstitutional.

“He can only give evidence of taking possession of N650 million not $115m because it was not mentioned in the charge against the defendants, ” they said.

Mr. Ayorinde prayed the court not to use the evidence by the witness to form part of court records ‘‘because all his evidence was hear-say rather than direct evidence.’’

In his response, the prosecution counsel, Rotimi Oyedepo, told the court that the evidence of the PW2 was the finding of his investigation, which could not amount to hear-say.

“My Lord, a charge against the defendants cannot be bad because the charge did not contain all the particulars given as evidence by the witness,” he added.

Mr. Oyedepo, therefore, prayed the court to admit the evidence of the witness.

Justice Hassan adjourned the case to March 23 and April 9 for continuation of hearing

 

PT

President Muhammadu Buhari on Monday said he was ‘surprised’ that the Inspector-General of Police, Ibrahim Idris disobeyed his directives to stay in Benue until the bloodletting between farmers and herdsmen was resolved.

Mr. Buhari also said his government was deeply worried about the incessant attacks on Benue’s rural communities and vowed to end the menace “very soon”.

The president, in the wake of public outcry that greeted the murder of over 70 persons by suspected herdsmen had instructed the IGP to relocate to the state until the carnage was contained. The police boss had reportedly spent less than 24 hours in the state before leaving; attracting more condemnation from Nigerians even as the presidency failed to reprimand him.

Mr. Buhari, who met with farmers, herdsmen, government officials and other stakeholders in Makurdi on Monday as part of his visits to troubled states however, denied insinuations that he was not interested in what was happening to Benue state.

“I cannot overlook the killings in Benue or any other part of Nigeria. I cannot do that. I am genuinely worried about the attacks in Benue and we are doing everything to end them,” he said.

He said that the insecurity in some states was a major concern to his government, adding that concerted efforts were being made to restore normalcy to every part of the country.

Mr. Buhari said that he was surprised at the revelation that the IGP did not spend 24 hours in Benue, when he directed him to relocate to the state and remain there till peace was restored.

“I am getting to know this in this meeting. I am quite surprised,” he said.

He, however, said that the meeting was not the best place to expose the inefficiency of his appointees, and appealed to Benue people to exercise restraint and live in peace with their neighbours.

Why the president did not know that IGP Idris disobeyed his order remained unclear.

But in his speech on Monday, Mr. Buhari appealed to the people to pay more attention to farming, especially rice cultivation, saying that rice importation had dropped by 90 per cent since some states embarked on massive production of the commodity.

Speaking earlier, Governor Samuel Ortom appealed to the president to upgrade the ongoing military exercise in the state tagged “Ayem Akpatema”, to a wider operation to effectively curb herdsmen attacks.

“If the exercise is upgraded to a wider operation, it will assist greatly in ending the incessant attacks and senseless killings by herdsmen,” he said

He urged Benue people to learn to live in peace with other people.

Mr. Ortom said that many states were currently involved in massive cultivation of rice, and urged his people to join the trend.

The governor reiterated his call for the arrest of the leadership of Miyetti Allah Kautal Hore, alleging that the body was responsible for the killings in Benue.

Mr. Ortom maintained that ranching was the best option for cattle breeding in Nigeria, and advised herdsmen to embrace it so as to minimise the clashes caused by open grazing.

He also called on the federal government to take over the management of the Benue University Teaching Hospital, College of Education, Katsina-Ala and Benue Polytechnic, Ugbokolo.

Shetima Mohammed, a representative of Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN), Benue Chapter, however, denied responsibility for the Benue attacks.

“Our association is a peace-loving one and the exact opposite of what is being portrayed,” he declared.

 

PT

Families of those killed in New Year Day’s attacks by suspected Fulani herdsmen staged a peaceful protest against President Muhammadu Buhari in Makurdi, Benue State, on Monday.

President Buhari was on one day visit to Benue State to find lasting solution to herdsmen and farmers clash in the state and other parts of the country.

The protesters who were about 50 in number carried placards to Government House in Makurdi, venue of the meeting between Buhari and people of Benue.

Security personnel however prevented the protesters from going into the Government House.

They, however, staged a peaceful protest at Government House roundabout and openly displayed placards.

The protesters, who were decked in all black outfits, sang songs of mourning and asked President Buhari to end the killings or resign.

Some of the placards read: “End the killings or resign, Buhari every one is a Yusuf.”

The placards featured pictures of those killed on New Year Day.

At the time the President was leaving for the airport, the protesters displayed their placards boldly and sang on top of their voice.

It was not clear if the President heard or sighted the protesters.

 

The Nation 

After the end of the Cold War, there was an in increase in the number of African leaders who embraced constitutional democracy. The importance of the ballot box as a democratic tool for electing leaders was appreciated as power was seen to reside in the electorate. However, the beauty of constitutional democracy began to fade after sit-tight leaders made a mockery of the system, unilaterally elongating heir tenure, thus turning post-Cold War Africa to a breeding ground for dictators and political charlatans. This development has since made some countries the theatre of civil wars fuelled by the struggle for power.

In recent years, the use of massive pressure by the people to remove their leaders from office started with the Arab Spring, engineered by the revolt in Tunisia that sent President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali into exile on January 20, 2011. Since then, other leaders removed from office by popular pressure include former Burkina Faso President Blaise Compaore, former Liberian President Charles Taylor, former Gambian President Yahya Jammeh, former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, former Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe, as well as South African ex-leaders, Thambo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma. And with more countries asking their leaders to resign, is Africa moving from constitutional democracy to majoritarian democracy, where the ballot box may no longer be needed to hire and fire political leaders? This was the question Diplomatic Circuit asked the former director-general of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, now president and director-general of Bolytag Centre for International Diplomacy and Strategic Studies (BOCIDASS), Prof. Bola Akinterinwa, to answer, with particular reference to the cases of Zimbabwe and South Africa.

Akinterinwa says an understanding of the political system of a country is a prerequisite to understanding the forces at play. He observed that South Africa and Zimbabwe are two democracies that operate party system and pointed to the role of political parties in a democracy, particularly in campaigns and election of candidates.

“Electoral contest is not between candidates per se, but between and among political parties. Candidates emerge on the basis of the sponsoring political party,” he said.

Drawing attention to South Africa in particular, he said the ruling party, the African National Congress (ANC), first nominated Zuma as its candidate, who competed with the candidates of other political parties. In other words, “Zuma was an ANC nominee, appointee and electee.”

He argued that it is the responsibility of a political party to not only protect its image and interests but to ensure that its electoral fortunes are not jeopardised ahead of the next election.

“Over 900 allegations were made against Zuma, allegations of miss-governance including corruption, indiscipline, etc. They were serious allegations that were impacting negatively on the sponsoring ANC that nominated him and got him elected. Note that ANC has majority in the National Assembly, so its action was an attempt to address the challenges of the future, to avoid losing the next round of elections. So, the message was: let Zuma lose and not the party.”

Would it not have been more appropriate if Zuma had been allowed to face party primaries and indeed the electorate in the next election to determine his fate?

Apparently, Akinterinwa believes that ‘a stitch in time saves nine.’

“The ANC did not want a situation where, perhaps, the fate of Zuma would be used to the detriment of its success at the next election. Therefore, the question of allowing a falling President Zuma to go for another contest, be it at the level of party primaries or the presidential election, does not arise. Already, the people have delegated the power to the party. And the party exercised the power to compel Zuma to resign.”

But Akinterinwa agreed that electoral balloting remains a major dynamic instrument for electing and also rejecting political leaders: “The difference in the examples we are now considering, particularly that of South Africa, is that it involved collective voting, collective bargaining, as against individuals queuing to vote in polling stations. It is the majority within the ANC that took the decision to remove Zuma.”

He wants the public to know that “the strength, the power of the political party is basically a reflection of the institution . . . a political party is more of an institution that is playing its active role, nothing more than that. So, the good of the party, which is the general interest, overrides the interests of the individuals.”

It is the opinion of Akinterinwa that the leadership of a political party that knows its responsibility would not allow an influential but corrupt candidate to smear its public image.

“Zuma had large followership within the party. Whatever be the allegations made against him, some people within the party were benefiting from him. So, there would always be the tendency to support him.

“The mere fact that corruption allegations were made against him, the mere fact that he had been taken to court and in some of the cases, he won, but, more interestingly, the mere fact that Zuma could not see any good reason for being pressured to resign, there was no reason for the party to consider going to the polling station to vote and count how many ballot papers to determine how many people are there in support of him,” he said. 

But how did he place the case of Mugabe? Akinterinwa did not see any difference, noting that Mugabe was also forced to resign. He considered Mugabe’s offence serious, saying he attempted to crown his wife as his successor: “He wanted to sidetrack former Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa, who is now the president. Unfortunately for Mrs. Grace Mugabe, she did not have good rapport with the army. Rather, it was the vice president who had powerful links with army generals. He was in regular consultation with the army. So, the ruling party, ZANU-PF, and the army supported him and chose to show Mugabe the red card.”

Akinterinwa explained that the army acted in line with the yearnings of the people, who had wanted Mugabe to retire before now. But was it right for the Zimbabwean army to have pressurized Mugabe to resign? Akinterinwa was cautious in his reaction. He said, “Going by the African Union standard, any method used to compel or set up a new government that is not through the ballot box is unacceptable; the Union said under no circumstance should there be any change of government without the democratic process being followed. But now there is a new dimension beyond that of the union.”

According to him, in Zimbabwe and South Africa, it is only the originating instrument that is different, and that is the political party in the context of South Africa and the military in the context of Zimbabwe. But “the ultimate objective in both cases is to remove the two leaders from office.”

Akinterinwa would analyze the term coup d’état in order to arrive at his opinion. “Must coup d’état be considered as including violence?

For the AU, there could not be anything like coup d’état” But what is coup d’état? Akinterinwa said, “coup d’état means coup against the state,” adding that “a coup against the state would require another definition: was it forceful attack on government? was there any use of force? . . . That is the challenge.”

“In a nutshell, I would say, in Africa, compelling political leaders to resign is beginning to gain ground. In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the people are asking President Joseph Kabila to resign. And the pressure is mounting. In Rwanda, the people attempted it.”

What is semi-presidential system of government?

Hear him: “Semi-presidential system of government means 50 per cent is parliamentary and 50 per cent is presidential. When you operate like a parliament, the system is that the political party that wins election necessarily will provide the leader. He will also be the leader of the National Assembly. So, it is because of the character of semi-presidential system that allows for political parties to be the head in the National Assembly.”

Akinterinwa admits that the semi-presidential system of government and the use of popular pressure to force political leaders from office have negative implications for Africa: “There is no way we wouldn’t have some negativity. Certainly, there are merits but the demerits are also there. For example, I have drawn attention to the AU’s collectively decided policy that under no circumstance would there be forceful change of government in Africa.

“Please, are the cases of Mugabe and Zuma not forceful removal of political leaders from office? Are we saying that it is only when there is violent pressure that it is forceful? Is it forceful only by the use of force?

No, the issue is that Zuma, for example, has not completed his tenure. And he was asked him to go.”

Even as Akinterinwa said the use of pressure to sack political leaders is becoming the trend in Africa because the ballot box seems to have failed the people, he strongly berated the AU for failing to implement its policy as it concerns good governance and the electoral process.

“AU is eating its own words. I think the AU has failed but with much caution in interpreting the failure. It is a failure because it said there should be no use of force in changing a government but it doesn’t have control over the implementation of the policy.

“And if the use of force is interpreted to mean coup d’état, what about coup?

There is difference between the term ‘coup’ and ‘coup d’état.’ Coup is just a change in government but when we say coup d’état, it means violence was engaged.”

He observed that the essence of the AU’s policy is “to promote democracy, to ensure that there is a change of government through electoral balloting. In the case of Zimbabwe, it is not sufficient to argue that the army did not use violence to remove Mugabe.

Was Mugabe not put under house arrest?

“The only difference from the normal norm we know is that they made life more comfortable for him and his family. So, it is a coup par excellence.

So, what has AU done?

I would argue that to that extent, AU has failed.

“But, on the other hand, we may not say AU has totally failed. This is because AU has the policy of subsidiarity. Under the principle of subsidiarity, AU allows each of the five regions of Africa to monitor, to govern, to administer its affairs, particularly in terms of regional security and integration.

“The point I’m making is that, if the regions of Africa have wide powers to, first of all, look at their domestic problems, for AU, problems in each region becomes domestic. It is only when the regions are unable to resolve their problems that they can be brought to the continental level for consideration or advice.

“Therefore, if people are pressurizing their leaders to resign, it cannot be the responsibility of AU to be the first to intervene. So, the role of AU may depend on the issue in question.”

He however cautioned the AU that “in the long run, if Africans are not careful, democracy can be bastardised” because as he puts it “do not force out of government elected leaders. That is their fundamental right. Sooner or later any group of persons can always emerge and insist the president must resign."

Sun